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hʷ


hʷaɗik n. earth terre (12 groups, 24 languages) C
The basic meaning of this root is the soil or earth that the ground is made from. The evidence for *hʷ rather than *h comes from Cuvok, Mbuko and Lamang. In Cuvok the *h component has been lost, resulting in /w/. In Mbuko the labialisation is reanalysed as the labialisation prosody, and in Lamang it has resulted in /o/. These are common sporadic processes. In several languages the *ɗ and *i have fused, resulting in *j. In the Kilba the result is /ʔʲ/. In Kamwe-Futu and Bana the *i has caused the palatalisation of the *h. *k has been lost in all groups except for the Daba, Mafa and Hurza, which is not a regular process. The final /k/ in Hdi is a frozen suffix, and not a reflex of *k. The *i has direct support from the Margi, Lamang and Higi groups.
1Proto-Daba *hajak earth terre 1.1) Buwal (Viljoen) hɑjɑk ground, land sol 1.1.1) Buwal (Viljoen) hɑjɑk dirt, soil sol 1.1.2) Buwal (Viljoen) hɑjɑk country, ethnic area pays 1.2) Gavar (Viljoen) hɑjɑk dirt, soil terre 1.2.1) Gavar (Viljoen) hɑjɑk ground, land sol 1.2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) hɑjɑk country, ethnic area pays 1.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) hajak dirt, soil terre, sol 1.3.1) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) hajak ground, land terre 1.4) Daba (Lienhard) hàjə̄k ʼ la terre, le pays
2Proto-Mafa *wɨjak earth terre 2.1) Cuvok (Gravina) ujak terre
3Proto-Tera *ɣaj earth terre 3.1) Tera (Newman) ɣaj earth 3.1.1) Tera (Newman) ɣaj ground 3.1.2) Tera (Newman) ɣaj town 3.2) Nyimatli (Harley) ɣai dirt, soil
4Proto-Sukur *haɗ earth terre 4.1) Sukur (Thomas) haɗ ground
5Proto-Hurza *hʷigaj earth terre 5.1) Mbuko (Gravina) jugo earth la terre 5.2) Vame (Kinnaird) hígàj ground ; earth sol ; terre
6Proto-Margi *hɨɗi earth terre 6.1) Bura (Blench) hi Earth, soil, dirt 6.2) Kilba (Schuh) həʼi earth 6.2.1) Kilba (Schuh) həʼi land
7Proto-Mandara *haja earth terre 7.1) Mandara (Fluckiger) háhá terre (f) 7.2) Malgwa (Löhr) haha earth, soil, ground 7.3) Dghwede (Frick) xaja earth
8Proto-Mofu *ahɨɗ earth terre 8.1) Zulgo (Haller) àhə̀ɗ terre f., sol m.
9Proto-Maroua *haj earth terre 9.1) Mbazla (Tourneux) haj terre
10Proto-Lamang *hʷaɗi earth terre 10.1) Lamang (Wolff) hoɗo ground, earth 10.2) Hdi (Bramlett) haɗik soil, earth la terre
11Proto-Higi *hɨɗi earth terre 11.1) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) hjiɗi ground; land; earth 11.2) Kirya (Blench) hàhàj soil 11.3) Psikye (Angelo) xeɗí dirt, earth, ground 11.4) Bana (Lienhard) xjìɗì terre, pays
12Proto-Musgum *jahaj earth terre 12.1) Mbara (Tourneux) jahaj earth terre
hʷaⁿdav n. hare lièvre (7 groups, 16 languages) A syn: vida.
There are two widespread roots for 'hare', with the other being *vidɨ. These roots are possibly cognate, though it is not clear how these two forms could have come about. The *hʷ has been lost in many languages, leaving /w/ in Mafa and several Mofu group languages, and a back vowel in Ouldeme and Mbara. In many cases /m/ has been prefixed to the root to compensate. This is one of only three roots where *ⁿd has been reconstructed. In Musgum the *ⁿd has the reflex /d/. *v has the reflex *f in Proto-Maroua. These are unestablished changes.
1Proto-Daba *maⁿdavan hare lièvre 1.1) Buwal (Viljoen) mɑⁿdəvɑn hare lièvre 1.2) Gavar (Viljoen) mɑⁿdəvɑn hare lièvre 1.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) məⁿdeveŋ hare lièvre 1.4) Daba (Lienhard) māⁿdàvə̄n le lapin, le lièvre
2Proto-Mafa *waⁿdav hare lièvre 2.1) Mafa (Barreteau) wáⁿdáv lièvre
3Proto-Hurza *ⁿdɨvan ʸ hare lièvre 3.1) Vame (Kinnaird) ⁿdìvèŋ rabbit ; hare lapin ; lièvre
4Proto-Mofu *hʷaⁿdav hare lièvre 4.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) ādāvò hare lièvre 4.2) Zulgo (Haller) hə́ⁿdáv lièvre m. 4.3) Merey (Gravina) waⁿdav hare lièvre 4.4) Dugwor (Jubumna) waⁿdav hare lièvre 4.5) Mofu North (Barreteau) wáⁿdáv lapin 4.6) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) hʷaⁿdav-ŋgʷa Lapin d'Afrique 4.6.1) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) hʷaⁿdav ᵑga palah Lièvre à oreilles de lapin 4.6.2) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) hʷaⁿdav lapin (nom gén.)
5Proto-Maroua *maⁿdaf hare lièvre 5.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) maⁿdaf lapin, lièvre (567,577,578) 5.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) maⁿdaf hare lièvre
6Proto-Musgum *mudivaj hare lièvre 6.1) Mbara (Tourneux) mudivaj hare lièvre
7Proto-Gidar *maⁿdava hare lièvre 7.1) Gidar (Schuh) maⁿdava/a lapin 7.2) Gidar (Hungerford) maⁿdava lièvre, lapin
hʷaraj n. shame honte (6 groups, 11 languages) B syn: zɨrwa ʸ.
This root is one of two roots for 'shame', the best attested concept that relates solely to an emotional state. The attestations are limited, which is to be expected as this concept is only found in the better developed word lists and dictionaries, but they come from a range of groups and show the changes that are expected in a long-standing Central Chadic root. The *hʷ is retained in Proto-Mafa, Proto-Mofu and Proto-Lamang. In the other three groups it is realised as *w, which is a common sporadic process. In Gemzek the labialisation component has been reanalysed as the labialisation prosody. The *r has undergone the regular change to *l in the languages of the North sub-branch and Proto-Daba, except that *r is found in Proto-Mofu. This indicates a certain degree of borrowing within Central Chadic. The *j is reanalysed as the palatalisation prosody in Daba, as /i/ in Gidar, and is lost in Hdi. These are all common sporadic processes.
1Proto-Daba *walɨ ʸ shame honte 1.1) Daba (Lienhard) wèlī la honte, la gêne
2Proto-Mafa *hʷaraj shame honte 2.1) Mafa (Barreteau) hʷaraj honte 2.2) Cuvok (Gravina) hʷaraj (be) ashamed (avoir) honte 2.2.1) Cuvok (Gravina) hʷaraj shame (n) honte
3Proto-Hurza *waraj shame honte 3.1) Mbuko (Gravina) waraj shame honte
4Proto-Mofu *hʷaraj shame honte 4.1) Zulgo (Haller) hʷarwá honte f. 4.2) Gemzek (Sabatai) horo shame (n) honte 4.3) Merey (Gravina) hʷaraj shame (n) honte 4.4) Dugwor (Jubumna) hʷoraj shame (n) honte 4.5) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) hʷaraj honte, déshonneur
5Proto-Lamang *hʷɨla shame honte 5.1) Hdi (Bramlett) hula shame la honte
6Proto-Gidar *wɨli shame honte 6.1) Gidar (Hungerford) wɨli honte
hʷiɗ n. stomach ventre (9 groups, 29 languages) B
The basic sense of this root is the interior of the belly, i.e. the lower part of the abdomen, and in particular the stomach. In some languages the word is used in prepositional constructions to mean 'inside something'. The *hʷ is retained in most groups, but has the reflex *w in Proto-Maroua, Proto-Musgum and Dugwor, which is a common sporadic change. The *ɗ has the reflex *r in Ga'anda, Mbazla and Proto-Musgum, which is an unestablished change. This is also a regular change word-finally for several Higi group languages, as is the loss of final consonants.The *i is reconstructed from the evidence from Proto-Tera, Proto-Lamang and Proto-Higi.
1Proto-Mafa *hʷaɗ belly ventre 1.1) Mafa (Ndokobai) hʷaɗ ventre 1.2) Cuvok (Gravina) hʷaɗ abdomen (external) estomac, abdomen (externe) 1.2.1) Cuvok (Gravina) ɬam da hʷaɗ stomach (internal) ventre (interne)
2Proto-Tera *hʷira belly ventre 2.1) Gaʼanda (Gwaji) hʷira stomach
3Proto-Sukur *hʷɨɗ belly ventre 3.1) Sukur (David) ɣuɗ belly 3.2) Sukur (Thomas) huɗ stomach; belly:- some body with a big stomack either man or woman.
4Proto-Mandara *hʷɨɗɨ belly ventre 4.1) Matal (Branger) hʷəɗ belly ventre 4.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) huɗa,-ə 1 ventre 4.2.1) Podoko (Swackhammer) huɗa,-ə 2 intérieur 4.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) huɗe ventre (m), intérieur (m), entrailles (f. pl.) 4.4) Malgwa (Löhr) huɗe stomach 4.5) Glavda (Nghagyiva) xùɗa stomach (internal) 4.5.1) Glavda (Owens) xʷə́d belly 4.6) Dghwede (Frick) xʷtʼe belly
5Proto-Mofu *hʷɨɗ belly ventre 5.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) huraɗ stomach ventre 5.2) Muyang (Smith) huɗ belly ; interior ; underide ventre; dessous 5.3) Mada (Nkoumou) hoɗ ventre (interne) 5.3.1) Mada (Nkoumou) hoɗ ventre (interne) 5.4) Moloko (Friesen) hoɗ stomach ventre 5.5) Zulgo (Haller) huɗ ventre m. 5.5.1) Zulgo (Haller) húɗ ventre m. 5.6) Gemzek (Sabatai) huɗ sein 5.6.1) Gemzek (Sabatai) hoɗ le sein 5.7) Merey (Gravina) huɗ ventre 5.8) Dugwor (Jubumna) waɗ stomach (internal) ventre (interne) 5.8.1) Dugwor (Jubumna) waɗ (təseve) abdomen (external) estomac, abdomen (externe) 5.9) Mofu North (Barreteau) hʷāɗ ventre 5.9.1) Mofu North (Barreteau) hʷaɗ ventre 5.10) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) hʷaɗ stomach ventre 5.10.1) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) hʷaɗ intérieur, centre
6Proto-Maroua *wuru belly ventre 6.1) Mbazla (Tourneux) wuru ventre 6.1.1) Mbazla (SILSurvey) àwúrù belly ventre
7Proto-Lamang *huɗi belly ventre 7.1) Lamang (Wolff) xúɗí belly, inside 7.2) Hdi (Bramlett) huɗi abdomen le ventre
8Proto-Higi *hʷiɗ belly ventre 8.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) hʷí stomach 8.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) hʷi stomach (internal) 8.3) Kirya (Blench) hʷúr stomach 8.4) Bana (Lienhard) xʷə́r ventre, grossesse
9Proto-Musgum *war belly ventre 9.1) Vulum (Tourneux) war ventre 9.2) Mbara (Tourneux) war belly
hʷisɨs nf. hedgehog hérisson (6 groups, 15 languages) C
The initial *hʷ has become *w in Proto-Hurza and Margi, *u in Proto-Mandara, and has developed into the labialisation prosody in Mbuko and Gemzek, with or without the *h component. It has become *h in Proto-Higi and has been lost in several languages of the Mofu group. These are all common sporadic changes. The /f/ in Kirya could be a development of *h, or the root could be unrelated. In Buwal, Merey and Mofu North there is evidence for a glottal consonant in the word. The form that we have reconstructed could be a reflex of a reduplicated form such as *hʷisa-hʷisa. If there was a glottal consonant, the original root may have been *hʷisaɗ, with the other forms coming from simplified versions of the reduplicated root. More data is needed to clarify this.
1Proto-Daba *hʷasasaɓ hedgehog hérisson 1.1) Buwal (Viljoen) hʷɑsɑsɑɓ cane rat, cutting grass, grass cutter hérisson
2Proto-Hurza *wɨsa hedgehog hérisson 2.1) Mbuko (Gravina) usos hedgehog hérison 2.2) Vame (Kinnaird) āwúʃāwúʃà hedgehog hérisson
3Proto-Margi *hʷisɨ hedgehog hérisson 3.1) Bura (Blench) hʷisa Hedgehog Erinaceus albiventris hérisson 3.2) Margi (Hoffman) wisə hedgehog hérisson
4Proto-Mandara *ususa hedgehog hérisson 4.1) Mandara (Fluckiger) úsusa hérisson (m) 4.2) Malgwa (Löhr) ususa hedgehog hérisson
5Proto-Mofu *hʷasɨs hedgehog hérisson 5.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) āsás hedgehog hérisson 5.2) Muyang (Smith) ɑsus hedgehog hérisson 5.3) Zulgo (Haller) asús hérisson m. 5.4) Gemzek (Sabatai) hosos cane rat, cutting grass, grass cutter hérisson 5.5) Merey (Gravina) ɗasus cane rat, cutting grass, grass cutter hérisson 5.6) Mofu North (Barreteau) ʔōʔōs hérisson
6Proto-Higi *hasɨsɨ hedgehog hérisson 6.1) Kirya (Blench) físà hedgehog hérisson 6.2) Bana (Lienhard) xàsə́sə̀ hérisson
hʷɨɗɨɬ ʸ nm., v. cough tousser (14 groups, 33 languages) B rel. to: gʷɨɗɨɮ.
This root may represent the noun or the verb. It is related to the root for 'belch', with belching being a voiced version of coughing. The root is difficult to reconstruct. The initial *hʷ is retained in Proto-Mandara and Proto-Musgum, has the reflex *w in Proto-Mafa, Proto-Kotoko South and Proto-Gidar., and in Proto-Maroua the reflex is *h. These are all common sporadic changes. In Proto-Tera it has the reflex *kʷ, which is an unestablished change. In Mbuko, the *hʷ is lost, and triggers the compensatory reduplication of /ɮ/. The *ɗ is lost in many groups, also triggering compensatory reduplication in languages of the Meri sub-group. Loss of these consonants and the resulting compensatory reduplication is a common sporadic process. In Proto-Sukur, Proto-Maroua and Proto-Gidar *ɗ has the reflex *r, which is an unestablished change. In other groups the glottal component has fused with the reflex of *hʷ. In Bura *w and *ɗ have fused to give *ɓ→b. The same process of *w+*ɗ→ɓ has taken place in Muyang and Moloko. In Kilba the process is *w+*ɗ→ʔʷ. These are common sporadic processes. In Zina the *ɗ was affected by the palatalisation prosody at some earlier time, resulting in the regular *ɗʲ→j. In the Higi group, the change is *ɗʲ→ʔʲ. In Mpade *hʷ has become *kʷ (an unestablished change), and this has fused with *ɗ to form the ejective /kʼʷ/. *ɬ has the regular reflex *ɮ in the South sub-group, though Mafa has the irregular reflex /ɬ/. There are also regular changes in Mpade *ɬ→ʃ, in Mser and Zina *ɬ→s, and in Mandara, Malgwa and Glavda *ɬʲ→hʲ. The palatalisation prosody is retained in several groups. There are also several instances where sporadic metathesis has taken place.
1Proto-Mafa *wɨɬa cough toux 1.1) Mafa (Ndokobai) wuɬa toux
2Proto-Tera *kʷɨɮa cough toux 2.1) Tera (Newman) kuɮa cough 2.2) Nyimatli (Harley) kuɮa cough (v)
3Proto-Sukur *ɮar ʸ cough tousser 3.1) Sukur (Thomas) ɮjar cough; to force out air suddenly and noicely through your throat, for when you have a cold.
4Proto-Hurza *ɮɨɮah ʸ cough toux 4.1) Mbuko (Gravina) ɮəɮe(h) cough toux
5Proto-Margi *wɨɗɨɬa cough toux 5.1) Bura (Blench) buɬa Cough 5.1.1) Bura (Blench) buɬa To cough 5.2) Kilba (Schuh) ʼuɬa/a cough(ing)
6Proto-Mandara *hʷɨɬah ʸ cough toux 6.1) Matal (Branger) mabəɮəhʷaj cough tousser 6.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) kuɬáha tousser 6.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) úhjá tousser 6.4) Malgwa (Löhr) ŋʷihja cough 6.5) Glavda (Nghagyiva) wúçᵊga cough (v) 6.6) Dghwede (Frick) wuɮaxa to cough
7Proto-Mofu *hʷɨɗɨɬ ʸ cough toux 7.1) Proto-Tokombere *wɨɗɨɬaj cough toux 7.2) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) ɗə̄ɬáj cough tousser 7.3) Muyang (Smith) ɓəɬɑj cough tousser 7.4) Moloko (Friesen) ɓəɬaj cough tousser 7.5) Proto-Meri *ɗɨɮah ʸ cough toux 7.6) Zulgo (Haller) àɮàh toux f. 7.7) Gemzek (Sabatai) mege ɮəɮah cough (v) tousser 7.8) Merey (Gravina) ɮəɮeh cough (v) tousser 7.9) Dugwor (Jubumna) megej ɮəlɮe cough (v) tousser
8Proto-Maroua *hɨrɬa ʸ cough toux 8.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) hirɬe toux, tuberculose 8.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) gi irɬe cough (v) tousser
9Proto-Higi *ʔʲɨɬa cough toux 9.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) ʼjáɬá Cough 9.1.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) ʼjathla cough 9.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) tsaiɬa cough 9.3) Psikye (Angelo) ʼjiɬá cough 9.4) Bana (Lienhard) ʼjiɬá la toux, la grippe, le catarrhe
10Proto-Kotoko North *hʷɨɗɨɬa cough toux 10.1) Afade (Allison) ɗɨɬa; ɗɨɬaun cough (v) tousser 10.2) Mpade (Allison) là kʼʷàʃán cough (v) tousser 10.2.1) Mpade (Allison) kʼʷàʃán cough toux 10.3) Malgbe (Allison) ɗaɬawun; ɗaɬa cough (v) tousser
11Proto-Kotoko Centre *wɨɗɨɬa cough toux 11.1) Lagwan (Allison) uɬawun cough (v) tousser 11.2) Mser (Allison) ɗasa cough (v) tousser
12Proto-Kotoko South *wasja cough toux 12.1) Zina (Odden) wàsjà cough (v) tousser
13Proto-Musgum *hʷaɬ cough toux 13.1) Mulwi (Tourneux) huɬi tousser 13.1.1) Mulwi (Tourneux) hoɬ toux 13.2) Mbara (Tourneux) ʼoɬ cough
14Proto-Gidar *wɨrɬa cough tousser 14.1) Gidar (Hungerford) ɨdiwərɬa tousser, toux
hʷɨp nf. tree arbre (9 groups, 24 languages) A
The initial *hʷ has been retained in Proto-Mandara and Proto-Mofu. In Proto-Mafa, Proto-Sukur, Proto-Lamang, Proto-Higi and Proto-Kotoko South it has the reflex *w. In Proto-Bata, Proto-Margi and some of the Higi group languages, the *hʷ has been lost and the labialisation has transferred onto *p. These are common sporadic processes. The /n/ prefix in Podoko and Mandara and the /ma/ prefix in Zina are compensation for the lost *hʷ. Proto-Central Chadic *p was realised as [f] in word-final position, and this has led to the phonemicization of *f in the group proto-languages.
1Proto-Bata *fʷɨgɨ tree arbre 1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) ə̀nfʷá - ə tree 1.1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) uf 1.2) Jimi (Djibi) fʷən Nom général de l'arbre. 1.3) Sharwa (Gravina) fʷəgə Arbre 1.4) Tsuvan (Johnston) fʷege l'arbre
2Proto-Mafa *waf tree arbre 2.1) Mafa (Barreteau) wáf arbre
3Proto-Sukur *fwaj tree arbre 3.1) Sukur (David) fwoj tree 3.2) Sukur (Thomas) fwai tree; is the general term for tree.
4Proto-Margi *fʷɨ tree arbre 4.1) Bura (Blench) nfʷa Tree 4.2) Margi (Hoffman) wu tree 4.3) Kilba (Schuh) wa tree
5Proto-Mandara *hʷɨfa tree arbre 5.1) Matal (Branger) āhàf tree arbre 5.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) nafá,-ə 1 arbre 5.2.1) Podoko (Swackhammer) nafá,-ə 2 bois 5.2.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) nafá,-ə 3 médicament indigène 5.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) náfá arbre (m) 5.4) Glavda (Owens) u tree 5.4.1) Glavda (Nghagyiva) ùːfa tree 5.5) Dghwede (Frick) ʔufa tree
6Proto-Mofu *hʷaf tree arbre 6.1) Muyang (Smith) hɑf medicine remède 6.1.1) Muyang (Smith) hɑf tree arbre 6.2) Dugwor (Jubumna) hʷaf tree arbre
7Proto-Lamang *fwɨ tree arbre 7.1) Lamang (Wolff) ufu tree 7.2) Hdi (Bramlett) fu tree l'arbre
8Proto-Higi *wɨfɨ tree arbre 8.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) fʷə tree 8.1.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) fʷə tree 8.1.2) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) fʷə́ Plant 8.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) fʷo tree 8.3) Kirya (Blench) fʷə̀ tree in general 8.4) Psikye (Angelo) wufə́ tree 8.5) Bana (Lienhard) fə́ arbre
9Proto-Kotoko South *mafwɨ tree arbre 9.1) Zina (Odden) màfù tree arbre
hʷɨpɨɗ v. bite mordre (5 groups, 15 languages) B cf: zɨm; syn: dzaj.
The basic sense of this verb is to bite or chew solid food items. Proto-Central Chadic *p was realised as [p] in word-medial position, and this is the form found in all the data. *p has the reflexes *b in Proto-Margi and /ᵐb/ in Mofu-Gudur, which are unestablished changes. The *hʷ is retained in the Mandara group, and has the reflexes /h/ in Proto-Mofu and /x/ in Lamang, which are common sporadic changes.
1Proto-Hurza pɨj eat manger 1.1) Mbuko (Gravina) pa eat manger 1.2) Vame (Kinnaird) píyā eat manger
2Proto-Margi *bɗɨ bite mordre 2.1) Bura (Blench) bda, bdi To chew; to eat (when chewing is necessary) 2.2) Margi (Hoffman) bɗə chew
3Proto-Mandara *hʷɨpaɗa bite mordre 3.1) Podoko (Swackhammer) upaɗá 1 mâcher, manger 3.2) Malgwa (Löhr) ukpaɗa chew with teeth 3.3) Glavda (Nghagyiva) xūpáɗᵊga chew
4Proto-Mofu *hɨpɨɗ bite mordre 4.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) paɗ eat meat or something hard croquer ; manger la viande ou qqch de dure 4.2) Muyang (Smith) həpəɗ eat (meat) manger ce qui est dur, mâcher 4.3) Moloko (Friesen) paɗ bite; chew croquer; mordre 4.4) Zulgo (Haller) papəɗ manger (viande et des choses croquantes) 4.5) Gemzek (Sabatai) mehəpəɗe chew mâcher 4.6) Merey (Gravina) həpəɗ chew manger, mâcher, croquer 4.7) Dugwor (Jubumna) məpəɗej ba bite (v) mordre 4.7.1) Dugwor (Jubumna) məpəɗej (golgovaŋ) strike (snake) mordre, piquer (serpent) 4.8) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) háᵐbəɗ croquer, mâcher ; faire mal (à la tête, aux articulations)
5Proto-Lamang *xpaɗa bite mordre 5.1) Lamang (Wolff) xpaɗa bite, chew
hʷɨrɨp nf. grain semence (9 groups, 24 languages) A
The basic meaning of this root is probably millet grain. This root is consistent across Central Chadic, whereas there are several roots for the millet plant. It is likely that the Central Chadic peoples were pastoralists rather than agriculturalists, so the root meaning would refer to the grain as a food stuff obtained through trade rather than as seed for sowing. The initial *hʷ is retained in all groups, but has the unestablished reflex *gʷ in Proto-Kotoko North. The *r has become *l in all languages of the North sub-branch, as part of a regular change. The similar change in Cuvok is also regular. Dghwede and Mofu-Gudur - two very distant languages - both have a final /ɗ/, and several Mofu group languages and Cuvok show evidence of a final /j/, which is often a reflex of *ɗ under palatalisation. This may imply that the root was in fact *hʷɨrɨpɨɗ, though more data is needed to establish this. *p was realised as [f] in word-final position in Proto-Central Chadic, and this is retained in all groups.
1Proto-Bata *hʷɨrɨfɨ seed semence 1.1) Jimi (Djibi) hurəfən 1 - Race; 2 - Semence
2Proto-Mafa *hʷarfej seed semence 2.1) Cuvok (Gravina) hʷalfej seed graine, semence
3Proto-Margi *hʷɨlfɨ seed semence 3.1) Bura (Blench) hʷulfa Seed (for planting) 3.1.1) Bura (Blench) hulfu Seed for planting
4Proto-Mandara *hʷɨlfɨɗɨ seed semence 4.1) Matal (Branger) fafləw, faflu grain semence 4.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) hələpa,-ə semence; qualité 4.3) Malgwa (Löhr) hulfe seed 4.4) Glavda (Nghagyiva) xùlfa seed 4.4.1) Glavda (Owens) xʷə́l seed 4.5) Dghwede (Frick) xulfətʼe seed
5Proto-Mofu *hʷɨlfaɗ ʸ seed semence 5.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) hēlēfē grain ; seed graine ; semence 5.1.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) hēlēfē family famille 5.2) Mada (Nkoumou) hoelfe descendance, semence, espèce 5.3) Moloko (Friesen) həlfe seed semence 5.4) Zulgo (Haller) hʷilfé semence f. 5.5) Gemzek (Sabatai) hulfe seed graine, semence 5.6) Merey (Gravina) hulfe seed graine, semence 5.6.1) Merey (Gravina) hulfe semence 5.7) Dugwor (Jubumna) həlfe seed graine, semence 5.8) Mofu North (Barreteau) hə́lfáw semence 5.9) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) húlfaɗ semence ; (sens fig.) enfant
6Proto-Maroua *hʷɨlfa seed semence 6.1) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) hulfa seed graine, semence
7Proto-Lamang *hulfa seed semence 7.1) Lamang (Wolff) hulfa seed 7.2) Hdi (Bramlett) hulfa grain / seed la semence
8Proto-Higi *hʷɨlɨfɨ seed semence 8.1) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) hulofʷo seed 8.2) Psikye (Angelo) fə́lə́xʷə́ seed 8.3) Bana (Lienhard) xʷə́lfə́ semence
9Proto-Kotoko North *gʷɨlfan seed semence 9.1) Mpade (Allison) gulfan seed graine, semence
hʷɨtaɗ ʸ nf. skin peau (5 groups, 9 languages) B
The meaning of this root is the skin of a human or an animal. *hʷ is realised as /gʷ/ in Mbuko (an unestablished change). The *ɗ has been lost in all but two languages, which is a common sporadic process.
1Proto-Mafa *hʷɨtaɗ ʸ skin peau 1.1) Mafa (Barreteau) hútéɗ peau
2Proto-Hurza *gʷɨta skin peau 2.1) Mbuko (Gravina) guta hide, skin peau (déjà travaillée); la corde faite d'une peau
3Proto-Mofu *hʷɨtaɗ ʸ skin peau 3.1) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) huteɗ cuir, ceinture de cuir ; morceau de peau
4Proto-Lamang *hʷɨta skin peau 4.1) Hdi (Bramlett) huta skin la peau
5Proto-Higi *hʷəta skin peau 5.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) wtå skin 5.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) wta skin (of man) 5.3) Kirya (Blench) twá skin 5.4) Psikye (Angelo) xʷə́ta skin 5.5) Bana (Lienhard) xʷtá peau, cuir
hʷɨtif num. five cinq (4 groups, 14 languages) B syn: ɮɨɗɨm, ɬensi.
This is one of three widely attested roots for 'five'. It is found in the groups of the Nigerian Plains. Proto-Central Chadic had no *f, but *p was realised as [f] in word-final position. If this root comes from Proto-Central Chadic, then the final consonant would be *p. However it is more likely that this root originated later, at a time when the *p/*f distinction had been phonemicized, and for this reason the final consonant is given as *f. The initial *hʷ is retained only in the Lamang group. In Proto-Higi it has the reflex *w. In the Bata and Margi groups, the labialisation component has transferred to the *f, from where it has become vocalised. These are common sporadic changes. The *t has become *ts in Proto-Higi, which is an irregular change, and this has been palatalised by the following *i. There is metathesis of *w and *ts in the two Kamwe dialects, a sporadic process.
1Proto-Bata *tifʷ five cinq 1.1) Bata (Boyd) túf five 1.2) Gude (Hoskinson) tufə five 1.3) Jimi (Djibi) tefʷə Cinq 5 1.4) Sharwa (Gravina) təf, təfkə Cinq, cinquième
2Proto-Margi *tɨfʷ five cinq 2.1) Bura (Blench) ntufu Five 2.2) Margi South (Harley) təffu five 2.3) Kilba (Schuh) təfu/u five
3Proto-Lamang *hʷɨtaf five cinq 3.1) Lamang (Wolff) xʷtáfá five 3.2) Hdi (Bramlett) hutaf five cinq
4Proto-Higi *wɨtsʲɨfɨ five cinq 4.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) ntʃùfə́ Five 4.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) mtʃwafə five 4.3) Kirya (Blench) ntʃìfə̀ five 4.4) Psikye (Angelo) mtʃéfə́ five 4.4.1) Psikye (Angelo) mtʃèf five 4.5) Bana (Lienhard) tʃíf[(ə́) cinq
hʷɨtsɨn ʸ nm. nose nez (15 groups, 52 languages) A
This is one of the most widely attested Central Chadic roots, and is absent from the data only in the Tera, Musgum and Gidar groups. The initial *hʷ is retained in several groups. In the Giziga languages the labialisation component has become the labialisation prosody, and in several other groups the labialisation component has been dropped. The *hʷ has been lost completely in a number of languages, and this has led to compensatory prefixation in Proto-Daba. These are all common sporadic processes. The *ts has the reflex *t in Proto-Mandara, Proto-Mofu and Proto-Maroua. However we would expect the reflex *t in Proto-Bata and Proto-Lamang, but not in the proto-languages where it is found in the data. *ts has the regular reflex *s in Proto-Kotoko Centre and Proto-Sukur. The final *n has become *r in the languages of the Margi-Mandara-Mofu major group as part of a regular change. The palatalisation prosody is present in all groups where it is expected, except for the Mafa group.
1Proto-Bata *tsɨnɨ ʸ nose nez 1.1) Bata (Boyd) ʃìne nose 1.2) Gude (Hoskinson) ʃìná -ə nose 1.3) Jimi (Djibi) ʃənən Nez 1.4) Sharwa (Gravina) tʃinə nez 1.5) Tsuvan (Johnston) mətʃine le nez
2Proto-Daba *mɨtsɨn ʸ nose nez 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) mtʃɑr nose nez 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) mtsər nose nez 2.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) ntʃur nose nez 2.4) Daba (Lienhard) mìtʃīʼn le nez
3Proto-Mafa *hɨtsan nose nez 3.1) Mafa (Barreteau) hə́tsán nez 3.2) Cuvok (Gravina) hətaŋ nose nez
4Proto-Sukur *sɨn ʸ nose nez 4.1) Sukur (David) ʃin nose 4.2) Sukur (Thomas) ʃin nose
5Proto-Hurza *hʷɨtsan ʸ nose nez 5.1) Mbuko (Gravina) tʃœn nose nez 5.2) Vame (Kinnaird) hə̄tʃéŋ nose nez
6Proto-Margi *hʷɨtsɨr ʸ nose nez 6.1) Margi (Hoffman) mtʃir nose 6.2) Margi South (Hoffman) tʃir nose 6.3) Kilba (Hoffman) tʃir nose 6.3.1) Kilba (Schuh) tʃir nose 6.4) Bura (Blench) kutʃir Nose
7Proto-Mandara *hɨtɨrɨ ʸ nose nez 7.1) Matal (Branger) tɪ᷆r nose nez 7.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) fətəra,-ə nez 7.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) ektare nez 7.4) Malgwa (Löhr) əktare nose 7.5) Glavda (Owens) xə́tə́ nose 7.5.1) Glavda (Nghagyiva) xᵊtɾa nose 7.6) Dghwede (Frick) xtire nose
8Proto-Mofu *hʷɨtɨr ʸ nose nez 8.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) hūⁿdār nose nez 8.2) Muyang (Smith) hiⁿdir nose nez 8.3) Mada (Nkoumou) hⁿdoer nez 8.4) Moloko (Friesen) həⁿder nez 8.5) Zulgo (Haller) hìtír nez m. 8.6) Gemzek (Sabatai) həter nose nez 8.7) Merey (Gravina) həter nose nez 8.8) Dugwor (Jubumna) məter nose nez 8.9) Mofu North (Barreteau) hàtàr nez 8.10) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) heter nose nez ; trompe (de l'éléphant)
9Proto-Maroua *hɨtɨn ʷ, kɨtɨŋ ʸ nose nez 9.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) hutuŋ nez 9.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) huton nose nez 9.3) Mbazla (Tourneux) kitiŋ nez 9.3.1) Mbazla (SILSurvey) kítīŋ nose nez
10Proto-Lamang *hɨtsiŋ nose nez 10.1) Lamang (Wolff) xtsínì nose 10.1.1) Lamang (Wolff) htsiŋ nose 10.2) Hdi (Bramlett) hətsiŋ nose le nez
11Proto-Higi *hɨtsʲɨn nose nez 11.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) ntʃhi nose 11.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) ntʃi nose 11.3) Kirya (Blench) nʃín nose 11.4) Bana (Lienhard) kʃə́n nez
12Proto-Kotoko Island *tsɨnaj nose nez 12.1) Buduma (McKone) tʃənaj nose nez
13Proto-Kotoko North *tsɨhɨn nose nez 13.1) Afade (Allison) tsɨn nose nez 13.2) Mpade (Allison) hásan nose nez 13.3) Maltam (Allison) sɨn nose nez 13.4) Malgbe (Allison) skɨn nose nez 13.4.1) Malgbe (Allison) skare nose nez
14Proto-Kotoko Centre *hɨsɨni nose nez 14.1) Lagwan (Allison) xsɨni nose nez 14.2) Mser (Allison) asɨn nose nez
15Proto-Kotoko South *hɨtsɨne nose nez 15.1) Zina (Odden) hískíní nose nez 15.2) Mazera (Allison) hɨtʃɨne nose nez


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hʷ


hʷaɗik n. earth terre (12 groups, 24 languages) C
The basic meaning of this root is the soil or earth that the ground is made from. The evidence for *hʷ rather than *h comes from Cuvok, Mbuko and Lamang. In Cuvok the *h component has been lost, resulting in /w/. In Mbuko the labialisation is reanalysed as the labialisation prosody, and in Lamang it has resulted in /o/. These are common sporadic processes. In several languages the *ɗ and *i have fused, resulting in *j. In the Kilba the result is /ʔʲ/. In Kamwe-Futu and Bana the *i has caused the palatalisation of the *h. *k has been lost in all groups except for the Daba, Mafa and Hurza, which is not a regular process. The final /k/ in Hdi is a frozen suffix, and not a reflex of *k. The *i has direct support from the Margi, Lamang and Higi groups.
1Proto-Daba *hajak earth terre 1.1) Buwal (Viljoen) hɑjɑk ground, land sol 1.1.1) Buwal (Viljoen) hɑjɑk dirt, soil sol 1.1.2) Buwal (Viljoen) hɑjɑk country, ethnic area pays 1.2) Gavar (Viljoen) hɑjɑk dirt, soil terre 1.2.1) Gavar (Viljoen) hɑjɑk ground, land sol 1.2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) hɑjɑk country, ethnic area pays 1.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) hajak dirt, soil terre, sol 1.3.1) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) hajak ground, land terre 1.4) Daba (Lienhard) hàjə̄k ʼ la terre, le pays
2Proto-Mafa *wɨjak earth terre 2.1) Cuvok (Gravina) ujak terre
3Proto-Tera *ɣaj earth terre 3.1) Tera (Newman) ɣaj earth 3.1.1) Tera (Newman) ɣaj ground 3.1.2) Tera (Newman) ɣaj town 3.2) Nyimatli (Harley) ɣai dirt, soil
4Proto-Sukur *haɗ earth terre 4.1) Sukur (Thomas) haɗ ground
5Proto-Hurza *hʷigaj earth terre 5.1) Mbuko (Gravina) jugo earth la terre 5.2) Vame (Kinnaird) hígàj ground ; earth sol ; terre
6Proto-Margi *hɨɗi earth terre 6.1) Bura (Blench) hi Earth, soil, dirt 6.2) Kilba (Schuh) həʼi earth 6.2.1) Kilba (Schuh) həʼi land
7Proto-Mandara *haja earth terre 7.1) Mandara (Fluckiger) háhá terre (f) 7.2) Malgwa (Löhr) haha earth, soil, ground 7.3) Dghwede (Frick) xaja earth
8Proto-Mofu *ahɨɗ earth terre 8.1) Zulgo (Haller) àhə̀ɗ terre f., sol m.
9Proto-Maroua *haj earth terre 9.1) Mbazla (Tourneux) haj terre
10Proto-Lamang *hʷaɗi earth terre 10.1) Lamang (Wolff) hoɗo ground, earth 10.2) Hdi (Bramlett) haɗik soil, earth la terre
11Proto-Higi *hɨɗi earth terre 11.1) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) hjiɗi ground; land; earth 11.2) Kirya (Blench) hàhàj soil 11.3) Psikye (Angelo) xeɗí dirt, earth, ground 11.4) Bana (Lienhard) xjìɗì terre, pays
12Proto-Musgum *jahaj earth terre 12.1) Mbara (Tourneux) jahaj earth terre
hʷaⁿdav n. hare lièvre (7 groups, 16 languages) A syn: vida.
There are two widespread roots for 'hare', with the other being *vidɨ. These roots are possibly cognate, though it is not clear how these two forms could have come about. The *hʷ has been lost in many languages, leaving /w/ in Mafa and several Mofu group languages, and a back vowel in Ouldeme and Mbara. In many cases /m/ has been prefixed to the root to compensate. This is one of only three roots where *ⁿd has been reconstructed. In Musgum the *ⁿd has the reflex /d/. *v has the reflex *f in Proto-Maroua. These are unestablished changes.
1Proto-Daba *maⁿdavan hare lièvre 1.1) Buwal (Viljoen) mɑⁿdəvɑn hare lièvre 1.2) Gavar (Viljoen) mɑⁿdəvɑn hare lièvre 1.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) məⁿdeveŋ hare lièvre 1.4) Daba (Lienhard) māⁿdàvə̄n le lapin, le lièvre
2Proto-Mafa *waⁿdav hare lièvre 2.1) Mafa (Barreteau) wáⁿdáv lièvre
3Proto-Hurza *ⁿdɨvan ʸ hare lièvre 3.1) Vame (Kinnaird) ⁿdìvèŋ rabbit ; hare lapin ; lièvre
4Proto-Mofu *hʷaⁿdav hare lièvre 4.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) ādāvò hare lièvre 4.2) Zulgo (Haller) hə́ⁿdáv lièvre m. 4.3) Merey (Gravina) waⁿdav hare lièvre 4.4) Dugwor (Jubumna) waⁿdav hare lièvre 4.5) Mofu North (Barreteau) wáⁿdáv lapin 4.6) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) hʷaⁿdav-ŋgʷa Lapin d'Afrique 4.6.1) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) hʷaⁿdav ᵑga palah Lièvre à oreilles de lapin 4.6.2) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) hʷaⁿdav lapin (nom gén.)
5Proto-Maroua *maⁿdaf hare lièvre 5.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) maⁿdaf lapin, lièvre (567,577,578) 5.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) maⁿdaf hare lièvre
6Proto-Musgum *mudivaj hare lièvre 6.1) Mbara (Tourneux) mudivaj hare lièvre
7Proto-Gidar *maⁿdava hare lièvre 7.1) Gidar (Schuh) maⁿdava/a lapin 7.2) Gidar (Hungerford) maⁿdava lièvre, lapin
hʷaraj n. shame honte (6 groups, 11 languages) B syn: zɨrwa ʸ.
This root is one of two roots for 'shame', the best attested concept that relates solely to an emotional state. The attestations are limited, which is to be expected as this concept is only found in the better developed word lists and dictionaries, but they come from a range of groups and show the changes that are expected in a long-standing Central Chadic root. The *hʷ is retained in Proto-Mafa, Proto-Mofu and Proto-Lamang. In the other three groups it is realised as *w, which is a common sporadic process. In Gemzek the labialisation component has been reanalysed as the labialisation prosody. The *r has undergone the regular change to *l in the languages of the North sub-branch and Proto-Daba, except that *r is found in Proto-Mofu. This indicates a certain degree of borrowing within Central Chadic. The *j is reanalysed as the palatalisation prosody in Daba, as /i/ in Gidar, and is lost in Hdi. These are all common sporadic processes.
1Proto-Daba *walɨ ʸ shame honte 1.1) Daba (Lienhard) wèlī la honte, la gêne
2Proto-Mafa *hʷaraj shame honte 2.1) Mafa (Barreteau) hʷaraj honte 2.2) Cuvok (Gravina) hʷaraj (be) ashamed (avoir) honte 2.2.1) Cuvok (Gravina) hʷaraj shame (n) honte
3Proto-Hurza *waraj shame honte 3.1) Mbuko (Gravina) waraj shame honte
4Proto-Mofu *hʷaraj shame honte 4.1) Zulgo (Haller) hʷarwá honte f. 4.2) Gemzek (Sabatai) horo shame (n) honte 4.3) Merey (Gravina) hʷaraj shame (n) honte 4.4) Dugwor (Jubumna) hʷoraj shame (n) honte 4.5) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) hʷaraj honte, déshonneur
5Proto-Lamang *hʷɨla shame honte 5.1) Hdi (Bramlett) hula shame la honte
6Proto-Gidar *wɨli shame honte 6.1) Gidar (Hungerford) wɨli honte
hʷiɗ n. stomach ventre (9 groups, 29 languages) B
The basic sense of this root is the interior of the belly, i.e. the lower part of the abdomen, and in particular the stomach. In some languages the word is used in prepositional constructions to mean 'inside something'. The *hʷ is retained in most groups, but has the reflex *w in Proto-Maroua, Proto-Musgum and Dugwor, which is a common sporadic change. The *ɗ has the reflex *r in Ga'anda, Mbazla and Proto-Musgum, which is an unestablished change. This is also a regular change word-finally for several Higi group languages, as is the loss of final consonants.The *i is reconstructed from the evidence from Proto-Tera, Proto-Lamang and Proto-Higi.
1Proto-Mafa *hʷaɗ belly ventre 1.1) Mafa (Ndokobai) hʷaɗ ventre 1.2) Cuvok (Gravina) hʷaɗ abdomen (external) estomac, abdomen (externe) 1.2.1) Cuvok (Gravina) ɬam da hʷaɗ stomach (internal) ventre (interne)
2Proto-Tera *hʷira belly ventre 2.1) Gaʼanda (Gwaji) hʷira stomach
3Proto-Sukur *hʷɨɗ belly ventre 3.1) Sukur (David) ɣuɗ belly 3.2) Sukur (Thomas) huɗ stomach; belly:- some body with a big stomack either man or woman.
4Proto-Mandara *hʷɨɗɨ belly ventre 4.1) Matal (Branger) hʷəɗ belly ventre 4.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) huɗa,-ə 1 ventre 4.2.1) Podoko (Swackhammer) huɗa,-ə 2 intérieur 4.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) huɗe ventre (m), intérieur (m), entrailles (f. pl.) 4.4) Malgwa (Löhr) huɗe stomach 4.5) Glavda (Nghagyiva) xùɗa stomach (internal) 4.5.1) Glavda (Owens) xʷə́d belly 4.6) Dghwede (Frick) xʷtʼe belly
5Proto-Mofu *hʷɨɗ belly ventre 5.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) huraɗ stomach ventre 5.2) Muyang (Smith) huɗ belly ; interior ; underide ventre; dessous 5.3) Mada (Nkoumou) hoɗ ventre (interne) 5.3.1) Mada (Nkoumou) hoɗ ventre (interne) 5.4) Moloko (Friesen) hoɗ stomach ventre 5.5) Zulgo (Haller) huɗ ventre m. 5.5.1) Zulgo (Haller) húɗ ventre m. 5.6) Gemzek (Sabatai) huɗ sein 5.6.1) Gemzek (Sabatai) hoɗ le sein 5.7) Merey (Gravina) huɗ ventre 5.8) Dugwor (Jubumna) waɗ stomach (internal) ventre (interne) 5.8.1) Dugwor (Jubumna) waɗ (təseve) abdomen (external) estomac, abdomen (externe) 5.9) Mofu North (Barreteau) hʷāɗ ventre 5.9.1) Mofu North (Barreteau) hʷaɗ ventre 5.10) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) hʷaɗ stomach ventre 5.10.1) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) hʷaɗ intérieur, centre
6Proto-Maroua *wuru belly ventre 6.1) Mbazla (Tourneux) wuru ventre 6.1.1) Mbazla (SILSurvey) àwúrù belly ventre
7Proto-Lamang *huɗi belly ventre 7.1) Lamang (Wolff) xúɗí belly, inside 7.2) Hdi (Bramlett) huɗi abdomen le ventre
8Proto-Higi *hʷiɗ belly ventre 8.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) hʷí stomach 8.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) hʷi stomach (internal) 8.3) Kirya (Blench) hʷúr stomach 8.4) Bana (Lienhard) xʷə́r ventre, grossesse
9Proto-Musgum *war belly ventre 9.1) Vulum (Tourneux) war ventre 9.2) Mbara (Tourneux) war belly
hʷisɨs nf. hedgehog hérisson (6 groups, 15 languages) C
The initial *hʷ has become *w in Proto-Hurza and Margi, *u in Proto-Mandara, and has developed into the labialisation prosody in Mbuko and Gemzek, with or without the *h component. It has become *h in Proto-Higi and has been lost in several languages of the Mofu group. These are all common sporadic changes. The /f/ in Kirya could be a development of *h, or the root could be unrelated. In Buwal, Merey and Mofu North there is evidence for a glottal consonant in the word. The form that we have reconstructed could be a reflex of a reduplicated form such as *hʷisa-hʷisa. If there was a glottal consonant, the original root may have been *hʷisaɗ, with the other forms coming from simplified versions of the reduplicated root. More data is needed to clarify this.
1Proto-Daba *hʷasasaɓ hedgehog hérisson 1.1) Buwal (Viljoen) hʷɑsɑsɑɓ cane rat, cutting grass, grass cutter hérisson
2Proto-Hurza *wɨsa hedgehog hérisson 2.1) Mbuko (Gravina) usos hedgehog hérison 2.2) Vame (Kinnaird) āwúʃāwúʃà hedgehog hérisson
3Proto-Margi *hʷisɨ hedgehog hérisson 3.1) Bura (Blench) hʷisa Hedgehog Erinaceus albiventris hérisson 3.2) Margi (Hoffman) wisə hedgehog hérisson
4Proto-Mandara *ususa hedgehog hérisson 4.1) Mandara (Fluckiger) úsusa hérisson (m) 4.2) Malgwa (Löhr) ususa hedgehog hérisson
5Proto-Mofu *hʷasɨs hedgehog hérisson 5.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) āsás hedgehog hérisson 5.2) Muyang (Smith) ɑsus hedgehog hérisson 5.3) Zulgo (Haller) asús hérisson m. 5.4) Gemzek (Sabatai) hosos cane rat, cutting grass, grass cutter hérisson 5.5) Merey (Gravina) ɗasus cane rat, cutting grass, grass cutter hérisson 5.6) Mofu North (Barreteau) ʔōʔōs hérisson
6Proto-Higi *hasɨsɨ hedgehog hérisson 6.1) Kirya (Blench) físà hedgehog hérisson 6.2) Bana (Lienhard) xàsə́sə̀ hérisson
hʷɨɗɨɬ ʸ nm., v. cough tousser (14 groups, 33 languages) B rel. to: gʷɨɗɨɮ.
This root may represent the noun or the verb. It is related to the root for 'belch', with belching being a voiced version of coughing. The root is difficult to reconstruct. The initial *hʷ is retained in Proto-Mandara and Proto-Musgum, has the reflex *w in Proto-Mafa, Proto-Kotoko South and Proto-Gidar., and in Proto-Maroua the reflex is *h. These are all common sporadic changes. In Proto-Tera it has the reflex *kʷ, which is an unestablished change. In Mbuko, the *hʷ is lost, and triggers the compensatory reduplication of /ɮ/. The *ɗ is lost in many groups, also triggering compensatory reduplication in languages of the Meri sub-group. Loss of these consonants and the resulting compensatory reduplication is a common sporadic process. In Proto-Sukur, Proto-Maroua and Proto-Gidar *ɗ has the reflex *r, which is an unestablished change. In other groups the glottal component has fused with the reflex of *hʷ. In Bura *w and *ɗ have fused to give *ɓ→b. The same process of *w+*ɗ→ɓ has taken place in Muyang and Moloko. In Kilba the process is *w+*ɗ→ʔʷ. These are common sporadic processes. In Zina the *ɗ was affected by the palatalisation prosody at some earlier time, resulting in the regular *ɗʲ→j. In the Higi group, the change is *ɗʲ→ʔʲ. In Mpade *hʷ has become *kʷ (an unestablished change), and this has fused with *ɗ to form the ejective /kʼʷ/. *ɬ has the regular reflex *ɮ in the South sub-group, though Mafa has the irregular reflex /ɬ/. There are also regular changes in Mpade *ɬ→ʃ, in Mser and Zina *ɬ→s, and in Mandara, Malgwa and Glavda *ɬʲ→hʲ. The palatalisation prosody is retained in several groups. There are also several instances where sporadic metathesis has taken place.
1Proto-Mafa *wɨɬa cough toux 1.1) Mafa (Ndokobai) wuɬa toux
2Proto-Tera *kʷɨɮa cough toux 2.1) Tera (Newman) kuɮa cough 2.2) Nyimatli (Harley) kuɮa cough (v)
3Proto-Sukur *ɮar ʸ cough tousser 3.1) Sukur (Thomas) ɮjar cough; to force out air suddenly and noicely through your throat, for when you have a cold.
4Proto-Hurza *ɮɨɮah ʸ cough toux 4.1) Mbuko (Gravina) ɮəɮe(h) cough toux
5Proto-Margi *wɨɗɨɬa cough toux 5.1) Bura (Blench) buɬa Cough 5.1.1) Bura (Blench) buɬa To cough 5.2) Kilba (Schuh) ʼuɬa/a cough(ing)
6Proto-Mandara *hʷɨɬah ʸ cough toux 6.1) Matal (Branger) mabəɮəhʷaj cough tousser 6.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) kuɬáha tousser 6.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) úhjá tousser 6.4) Malgwa (Löhr) ŋʷihja cough 6.5) Glavda (Nghagyiva) wúçᵊga cough (v) 6.6) Dghwede (Frick) wuɮaxa to cough
7Proto-Mofu *hʷɨɗɨɬ ʸ cough toux 7.1) Proto-Tokombere *wɨɗɨɬaj cough toux 7.2) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) ɗə̄ɬáj cough tousser 7.3) Muyang (Smith) ɓəɬɑj cough tousser 7.4) Moloko (Friesen) ɓəɬaj cough tousser 7.5) Proto-Meri *ɗɨɮah ʸ cough toux 7.6) Zulgo (Haller) àɮàh toux f. 7.7) Gemzek (Sabatai) mege ɮəɮah cough (v) tousser 7.8) Merey (Gravina) ɮəɮeh cough (v) tousser 7.9) Dugwor (Jubumna) megej ɮəlɮe cough (v) tousser
8Proto-Maroua *hɨrɬa ʸ cough toux 8.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) hirɬe toux, tuberculose 8.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) gi irɬe cough (v) tousser
9Proto-Higi *ʔʲɨɬa cough toux 9.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) ʼjáɬá Cough 9.1.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) ʼjathla cough 9.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) tsaiɬa cough 9.3) Psikye (Angelo) ʼjiɬá cough 9.4) Bana (Lienhard) ʼjiɬá la toux, la grippe, le catarrhe
10Proto-Kotoko North *hʷɨɗɨɬa cough toux 10.1) Afade (Allison) ɗɨɬa; ɗɨɬaun cough (v) tousser 10.2) Mpade (Allison) là kʼʷàʃán cough (v) tousser 10.2.1) Mpade (Allison) kʼʷàʃán cough toux 10.3) Malgbe (Allison) ɗaɬawun; ɗaɬa cough (v) tousser
11Proto-Kotoko Centre *wɨɗɨɬa cough toux 11.1) Lagwan (Allison) uɬawun cough (v) tousser 11.2) Mser (Allison) ɗasa cough (v) tousser
12Proto-Kotoko South *wasja cough toux 12.1) Zina (Odden) wàsjà cough (v) tousser
13Proto-Musgum *hʷaɬ cough toux 13.1) Mulwi (Tourneux) huɬi tousser 13.1.1) Mulwi (Tourneux) hoɬ toux 13.2) Mbara (Tourneux) ʼoɬ cough
14Proto-Gidar *wɨrɬa cough tousser 14.1) Gidar (Hungerford) ɨdiwərɬa tousser, toux
hʷɨp nf. tree arbre (9 groups, 24 languages) A
The initial *hʷ has been retained in Proto-Mandara and Proto-Mofu. In Proto-Mafa, Proto-Sukur, Proto-Lamang, Proto-Higi and Proto-Kotoko South it has the reflex *w. In Proto-Bata, Proto-Margi and some of the Higi group languages, the *hʷ has been lost and the labialisation has transferred onto *p. These are common sporadic processes. The /n/ prefix in Podoko and Mandara and the /ma/ prefix in Zina are compensation for the lost *hʷ. Proto-Central Chadic *p was realised as [f] in word-final position, and this has led to the phonemicization of *f in the group proto-languages.
1Proto-Bata *fʷɨgɨ tree arbre 1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) ə̀nfʷá - ə tree 1.1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) uf 1.2) Jimi (Djibi) fʷən Nom général de l'arbre. 1.3) Sharwa (Gravina) fʷəgə Arbre 1.4) Tsuvan (Johnston) fʷege l'arbre
2Proto-Mafa *waf tree arbre 2.1) Mafa (Barreteau) wáf arbre
3Proto-Sukur *fwaj tree arbre 3.1) Sukur (David) fwoj tree 3.2) Sukur (Thomas) fwai tree; is the general term for tree.
4Proto-Margi *fʷɨ tree arbre 4.1) Bura (Blench) nfʷa Tree 4.2) Margi (Hoffman) wu tree 4.3) Kilba (Schuh) wa tree
5Proto-Mandara *hʷɨfa tree arbre 5.1) Matal (Branger) āhàf tree arbre 5.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) nafá,-ə 1 arbre 5.2.1) Podoko (Swackhammer) nafá,-ə 2 bois 5.2.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) nafá,-ə 3 médicament indigène 5.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) náfá arbre (m) 5.4) Glavda (Owens) u tree 5.4.1) Glavda (Nghagyiva) ùːfa tree 5.5) Dghwede (Frick) ʔufa tree
6Proto-Mofu *hʷaf tree arbre 6.1) Muyang (Smith) hɑf medicine remède 6.1.1) Muyang (Smith) hɑf tree arbre 6.2) Dugwor (Jubumna) hʷaf tree arbre
7Proto-Lamang *fwɨ tree arbre 7.1) Lamang (Wolff) ufu tree 7.2) Hdi (Bramlett) fu tree l'arbre
8Proto-Higi *wɨfɨ tree arbre 8.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) fʷə tree 8.1.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) fʷə tree 8.1.2) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) fʷə́ Plant 8.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) fʷo tree 8.3) Kirya (Blench) fʷə̀ tree in general 8.4) Psikye (Angelo) wufə́ tree 8.5) Bana (Lienhard) fə́ arbre
9Proto-Kotoko South *mafwɨ tree arbre 9.1) Zina (Odden) màfù tree arbre
hʷɨpɨɗ v. bite mordre (5 groups, 15 languages) B cf: zɨm; syn: dzaj.
The basic sense of this verb is to bite or chew solid food items. Proto-Central Chadic *p was realised as [p] in word-medial position, and this is the form found in all the data. *p has the reflexes *b in Proto-Margi and /ᵐb/ in Mofu-Gudur, which are unestablished changes. The *hʷ is retained in the Mandara group, and has the reflexes /h/ in Proto-Mofu and /x/ in Lamang, which are common sporadic changes.
1Proto-Hurza pɨj eat manger 1.1) Mbuko (Gravina) pa eat manger 1.2) Vame (Kinnaird) píyā eat manger
2Proto-Margi *bɗɨ bite mordre 2.1) Bura (Blench) bda, bdi To chew; to eat (when chewing is necessary) 2.2) Margi (Hoffman) bɗə chew
3Proto-Mandara *hʷɨpaɗa bite mordre 3.1) Podoko (Swackhammer) upaɗá 1 mâcher, manger 3.2) Malgwa (Löhr) ukpaɗa chew with teeth 3.3) Glavda (Nghagyiva) xūpáɗᵊga chew
4Proto-Mofu *hɨpɨɗ bite mordre 4.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) paɗ eat meat or something hard croquer ; manger la viande ou qqch de dure 4.2) Muyang (Smith) həpəɗ eat (meat) manger ce qui est dur, mâcher 4.3) Moloko (Friesen) paɗ bite; chew croquer; mordre 4.4) Zulgo (Haller) papəɗ manger (viande et des choses croquantes) 4.5) Gemzek (Sabatai) mehəpəɗe chew mâcher 4.6) Merey (Gravina) həpəɗ chew manger, mâcher, croquer 4.7) Dugwor (Jubumna) məpəɗej ba bite (v) mordre 4.7.1) Dugwor (Jubumna) məpəɗej (golgovaŋ) strike (snake) mordre, piquer (serpent) 4.8) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) háᵐbəɗ croquer, mâcher ; faire mal (à la tête, aux articulations)
5Proto-Lamang *xpaɗa bite mordre 5.1) Lamang (Wolff) xpaɗa bite, chew
hʷɨrɨp nf. grain semence (9 groups, 24 languages) A
The basic meaning of this root is probably millet grain. This root is consistent across Central Chadic, whereas there are several roots for the millet plant. It is likely that the Central Chadic peoples were pastoralists rather than agriculturalists, so the root meaning would refer to the grain as a food stuff obtained through trade rather than as seed for sowing. The initial *hʷ is retained in all groups, but has the unestablished reflex *gʷ in Proto-Kotoko North. The *r has become *l in all languages of the North sub-branch, as part of a regular change. The similar change in Cuvok is also regular. Dghwede and Mofu-Gudur - two very distant languages - both have a final /ɗ/, and several Mofu group languages and Cuvok show evidence of a final /j/, which is often a reflex of *ɗ under palatalisation. This may imply that the root was in fact *hʷɨrɨpɨɗ, though more data is needed to establish this. *p was realised as [f] in word-final position in Proto-Central Chadic, and this is retained in all groups.
1Proto-Bata *hʷɨrɨfɨ seed semence 1.1) Jimi (Djibi) hurəfən 1 - Race; 2 - Semence
2Proto-Mafa *hʷarfej seed semence 2.1) Cuvok (Gravina) hʷalfej seed graine, semence
3Proto-Margi *hʷɨlfɨ seed semence 3.1) Bura (Blench) hʷulfa Seed (for planting) 3.1.1) Bura (Blench) hulfu Seed for planting
4Proto-Mandara *hʷɨlfɨɗɨ seed semence 4.1) Matal (Branger) fafləw, faflu grain semence 4.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) hələpa,-ə semence; qualité 4.3) Malgwa (Löhr) hulfe seed 4.4) Glavda (Nghagyiva) xùlfa seed 4.4.1) Glavda (Owens) xʷə́l seed 4.5) Dghwede (Frick) xulfətʼe seed
5Proto-Mofu *hʷɨlfaɗ ʸ seed semence 5.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) hēlēfē grain ; seed graine ; semence 5.1.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) hēlēfē family famille 5.2) Mada (Nkoumou) hoelfe descendance, semence, espèce 5.3) Moloko (Friesen) həlfe seed semence 5.4) Zulgo (Haller) hʷilfé semence f. 5.5) Gemzek (Sabatai) hulfe seed graine, semence 5.6) Merey (Gravina) hulfe seed graine, semence 5.6.1) Merey (Gravina) hulfe semence 5.7) Dugwor (Jubumna) həlfe seed graine, semence 5.8) Mofu North (Barreteau) hə́lfáw semence 5.9) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) húlfaɗ semence ; (sens fig.) enfant
6Proto-Maroua *hʷɨlfa seed semence 6.1) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) hulfa seed graine, semence
7Proto-Lamang *hulfa seed semence 7.1) Lamang (Wolff) hulfa seed 7.2) Hdi (Bramlett) hulfa grain / seed la semence
8Proto-Higi *hʷɨlɨfɨ seed semence 8.1) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) hulofʷo seed 8.2) Psikye (Angelo) fə́lə́xʷə́ seed 8.3) Bana (Lienhard) xʷə́lfə́ semence
9Proto-Kotoko North *gʷɨlfan seed semence 9.1) Mpade (Allison) gulfan seed graine, semence
hʷɨtaɗ ʸ nf. skin peau (5 groups, 9 languages) B
The meaning of this root is the skin of a human or an animal. *hʷ is realised as /gʷ/ in Mbuko (an unestablished change). The *ɗ has been lost in all but two languages, which is a common sporadic process.
1Proto-Mafa *hʷɨtaɗ ʸ skin peau 1.1) Mafa (Barreteau) hútéɗ peau
2Proto-Hurza *gʷɨta skin peau 2.1) Mbuko (Gravina) guta hide, skin peau (déjà travaillée); la corde faite d'une peau
3Proto-Mofu *hʷɨtaɗ ʸ skin peau 3.1) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) huteɗ cuir, ceinture de cuir ; morceau de peau
4Proto-Lamang *hʷɨta skin peau 4.1) Hdi (Bramlett) huta skin la peau
5Proto-Higi *hʷəta skin peau 5.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) wtå skin 5.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) wta skin (of man) 5.3) Kirya (Blench) twá skin 5.4) Psikye (Angelo) xʷə́ta skin 5.5) Bana (Lienhard) xʷtá peau, cuir
hʷɨtif num. five cinq (4 groups, 14 languages) B syn: ɮɨɗɨm, ɬensi.
This is one of three widely attested roots for 'five'. It is found in the groups of the Nigerian Plains. Proto-Central Chadic had no *f, but *p was realised as [f] in word-final position. If this root comes from Proto-Central Chadic, then the final consonant would be *p. However it is more likely that this root originated later, at a time when the *p/*f distinction had been phonemicized, and for this reason the final consonant is given as *f. The initial *hʷ is retained only in the Lamang group. In Proto-Higi it has the reflex *w. In the Bata and Margi groups, the labialisation component has transferred to the *f, from where it has become vocalised. These are common sporadic changes. The *t has become *ts in Proto-Higi, which is an irregular change, and this has been palatalised by the following *i. There is metathesis of *w and *ts in the two Kamwe dialects, a sporadic process.
1Proto-Bata *tifʷ five cinq 1.1) Bata (Boyd) túf five 1.2) Gude (Hoskinson) tufə five 1.3) Jimi (Djibi) tefʷə Cinq 5 1.4) Sharwa (Gravina) təf, təfkə Cinq, cinquième
2Proto-Margi *tɨfʷ five cinq 2.1) Bura (Blench) ntufu Five 2.2) Margi South (Harley) təffu five 2.3) Kilba (Schuh) təfu/u five
3Proto-Lamang *hʷɨtaf five cinq 3.1) Lamang (Wolff) xʷtáfá five 3.2) Hdi (Bramlett) hutaf five cinq
4Proto-Higi *wɨtsʲɨfɨ five cinq 4.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) ntʃùfə́ Five 4.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) mtʃwafə five 4.3) Kirya (Blench) ntʃìfə̀ five 4.4) Psikye (Angelo) mtʃéfə́ five 4.4.1) Psikye (Angelo) mtʃèf five 4.5) Bana (Lienhard) tʃíf[(ə́) cinq
hʷɨtsɨn ʸ nm. nose nez (15 groups, 52 languages) A
This is one of the most widely attested Central Chadic roots, and is absent from the data only in the Tera, Musgum and Gidar groups. The initial *hʷ is retained in several groups. In the Giziga languages the labialisation component has become the labialisation prosody, and in several other groups the labialisation component has been dropped. The *hʷ has been lost completely in a number of languages, and this has led to compensatory prefixation in Proto-Daba. These are all common sporadic processes. The *ts has the reflex *t in Proto-Mandara, Proto-Mofu and Proto-Maroua. However we would expect the reflex *t in Proto-Bata and Proto-Lamang, but not in the proto-languages where it is found in the data. *ts has the regular reflex *s in Proto-Kotoko Centre and Proto-Sukur. The final *n has become *r in the languages of the Margi-Mandara-Mofu major group as part of a regular change. The palatalisation prosody is present in all groups where it is expected, except for the Mafa group.
1Proto-Bata *tsɨnɨ ʸ nose nez 1.1) Bata (Boyd) ʃìne nose 1.2) Gude (Hoskinson) ʃìná -ə nose 1.3) Jimi (Djibi) ʃənən Nez 1.4) Sharwa (Gravina) tʃinə nez 1.5) Tsuvan (Johnston) mətʃine le nez
2Proto-Daba *mɨtsɨn ʸ nose nez 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) mtʃɑr nose nez 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) mtsər nose nez 2.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) ntʃur nose nez 2.4) Daba (Lienhard) mìtʃīʼn le nez
3Proto-Mafa *hɨtsan nose nez 3.1) Mafa (Barreteau) hə́tsán nez 3.2) Cuvok (Gravina) hətaŋ nose nez
4Proto-Sukur *sɨn ʸ nose nez 4.1) Sukur (David) ʃin nose 4.2) Sukur (Thomas) ʃin nose
5Proto-Hurza *hʷɨtsan ʸ nose nez 5.1) Mbuko (Gravina) tʃœn nose nez 5.2) Vame (Kinnaird) hə̄tʃéŋ nose nez
6Proto-Margi *hʷɨtsɨr ʸ nose nez 6.1) Margi (Hoffman) mtʃir nose 6.2) Margi South (Hoffman) tʃir nose 6.3) Kilba (Hoffman) tʃir nose 6.3.1) Kilba (Schuh) tʃir nose 6.4) Bura (Blench) kutʃir Nose
7Proto-Mandara *hɨtɨrɨ ʸ nose nez 7.1) Matal (Branger) tɪ᷆r nose nez 7.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) fətəra,-ə nez 7.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) ektare nez 7.4) Malgwa (Löhr) əktare nose 7.5) Glavda (Owens) xə́tə́ nose 7.5.1) Glavda (Nghagyiva) xᵊtɾa nose 7.6) Dghwede (Frick) xtire nose
8Proto-Mofu *hʷɨtɨr ʸ nose nez 8.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) hūⁿdār nose nez 8.2) Muyang (Smith) hiⁿdir nose nez 8.3) Mada (Nkoumou) hⁿdoer nez 8.4) Moloko (Friesen) həⁿder nez 8.5) Zulgo (Haller) hìtír nez m. 8.6) Gemzek (Sabatai) həter nose nez 8.7) Merey (Gravina) həter nose nez 8.8) Dugwor (Jubumna) məter nose nez 8.9) Mofu North (Barreteau) hàtàr nez 8.10) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) heter nose nez ; trompe (de l'éléphant)
9Proto-Maroua *hɨtɨn ʷ, kɨtɨŋ ʸ nose nez 9.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) hutuŋ nez 9.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) huton nose nez 9.3) Mbazla (Tourneux) kitiŋ nez 9.3.1) Mbazla (SILSurvey) kítīŋ nose nez
10Proto-Lamang *hɨtsiŋ nose nez 10.1) Lamang (Wolff) xtsínì nose 10.1.1) Lamang (Wolff) htsiŋ nose 10.2) Hdi (Bramlett) hətsiŋ nose le nez
11Proto-Higi *hɨtsʲɨn nose nez 11.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) ntʃhi nose 11.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) ntʃi nose 11.3) Kirya (Blench) nʃín nose 11.4) Bana (Lienhard) kʃə́n nez
12Proto-Kotoko Island *tsɨnaj nose nez 12.1) Buduma (McKone) tʃənaj nose nez
13Proto-Kotoko North *tsɨhɨn nose nez 13.1) Afade (Allison) tsɨn nose nez 13.2) Mpade (Allison) hásan nose nez 13.3) Maltam (Allison) sɨn nose nez 13.4) Malgbe (Allison) skɨn nose nez 13.4.1) Malgbe (Allison) skare nose nez
14Proto-Kotoko Centre *hɨsɨni nose nez 14.1) Lagwan (Allison) xsɨni nose nez 14.2) Mser (Allison) asɨn nose nez
15Proto-Kotoko South *hɨtsɨne nose nez 15.1) Zina (Odden) hískíní nose nez 15.2) Mazera (Allison) hɨtʃɨne nose nez