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dz


dzagʷa nf. hat chapeau (10 groups, 21 languages) A
This root is found in almost all groups of the North sub-branch of Central Chadic, but in none of the groups of the South sub-branch. This is not known to be a borrowed root, and so may be a Central Chadic root, originating in Proto-Central Chadic North. The original type of hat could have been straw, cloth or leather. There is some variation between /gʷ/ and /kʷ/, and in the vocalisation patterns, and these changes are unestablished.
1Proto-Hurza *dzɨgʷa hat chapeau 1.1) Mbuko (Gravina) dʒugo hat chapeau 1.2) Vame (Kinnaird) dzúgē helmet bonnet
2Proto-Margi *dzakʷa hat chapeau 2.1) Bura (Blench) dzakʷa Hat; cap or soft hat
3Proto-Mandara *dzakʷɨ hat chapeau 3.1) Matal (Branger) dzakʷa hat chapeau 3.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) dzakʷa,-u chapeau 3.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) dzakʷé bonnet (m) 3.4) Glavda (Nghagyiva) d͡zákʷa hat
4Proto-Mofu *dzagʷɨ hat chapeau 4.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) dzàgù hat chapeau 4.2) Muyang (Smith) dʒɑku hat made of cloth chapeau 4.3) Moloko (Friesen) dʒogo hat chapeau; bonnet 4.4) Merey (Gravina) dzagʷa chapeau 4.4.1) Merey (Gravina) dzakʷa bonnet ou chapeau 4.5) Dugwor (Jubumna) dʒiggo hat chapeau 4.6) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) dʒikʷew bonnet
5Proto-Maroua *dzakʷɨ hat chapeau 5.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) dʒijku chapeau 5.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) dʒoko hat chapeau
6Proto-Lamang *dzɨgʷa hat chapeau 6.1) Lamang (Wolff) dzoŋo hat 6.2) Hdi (Bramlett) dzugʷa leather hat le chapeau de cuir
7Proto-Kotoko Island *ⁿdzakʷa hat chapeau 7.1) Buduma (McKone) ⁿdʒokʷa hat chapeau 7.2) Buduma (McKone) ⁿdʒokʷa bonnet (n : [njakwa]).
8Proto-Kotoko North *sagʷa hat chapeau 8.1) Mpade (Allison) ságʷá hat chapeau
9Proto-Kotoko South *dzakʷɨ hat chapeau 9.1) Zina (Odden) dʒàkú hat chapeau
10Proto-Musgum *zagaw hat chapeau 10.1) Vulum (Tourneux) zagaw bonnet
dzaj v. to bite mordre (5 groups, 14 languages) syn: hʷɨpɨɗ.
This root is largely stable, with the only change being the unestablished change *dz to /ts/ in the Daba and Maroua groups. The final *j is realised as the palatalisation prosody in the Mafa, Mandara and Maroua groups, which is a common sporadic process. The Proto-Daba root is prenasalised, which is also a common sporadic process.
1Proto-Daba *ntsa bite mordre 1.1) Buwal (Viljoen) ŋtʃɑ bite (v) mordre 1.1.1) Buwal (Viljoen) ŋtʃɑ gnaw ronger 1.1.2) Buwal (Viljoen) ŋtʃɑ sting piquer 1.2) Gavar (Viljoen) ŋtsɑ bite (v) mordre 1.2.1) Gavar (Viljoen) ŋtsɑ sting piquer 1.3) Daba (Lienhard) ᵑgàtʃ mordre, tourmenter, aboyer
2Proto-Mafa *dza ʸ bite mordre 2.1) Mafa (Ndokobai) n dʒe mordre 2.1.1) Mafa (Barreteau) dʒ- mordre
3Proto-Mandara *dza ʸ bite mordre 3.1) Matal (Branger) matsaj bite mordre 3.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) ⁿdʒewé 1 mordre 3.3) Malgwa (Löhr) dʒa bite, beat (with stick) 3.4) Dghwede (Frick) ⁿdzaxa bite
4Proto-Mofu *dzaj bite mordre 4.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) mātsāj mordre, piquer plusieurs fois 4.2) Zulgo (Haller) dze(-r) mordre 4.3) Gemzek (Sabatai) dzaj bite (v) mordre 4.3.1) Gemzek (Sabatai) a dzaj mordre 4.3.2) Gemzek (Sabatai) medze strike (snake) mordre, piquer (serpent) 4.4) Mofu North (Barreteau) mézèj mordre 4.4.1) Mofu North (Barreteau) mézèj piquer (serpent) 4.5) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ́z mordre, piquer (serpent)
5Proto-Maroua *tsɨ ʸ bite mordre 5.1) Mbazla (Tourneux) tʃi mordre
dzaraj nm. locust criquet migrateur (9 groups, 22 languages) A cf: haɗikʷ.
This word denotes the locust, known well in the region for appearing periodically in huge swarms and devastating crops. The change *dz to /z/ in Gidar is regular, as is the change *r to *l in the groups of the North sub-branch, though the Mofu, Maroua and Gidar groups do not show this change. The final *j has been reanalysed as the palatalisation prosody in the Daba group, and possibly in the Tera group, which is a common sporadic process.
1Proto-Daba *dzara ʸ locust locuste 1.1) Buwal (Viljoen) dʒere locust locuste, criquet 1.2) Gavar (Viljoen) dʒeri locust locuste, criquet 1.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) dʒere locust locuste, criquet
2Proto-Mafa *dzaraj locust locuste 2.1) Mafa (Ndokobai) dzaraj criquet 2.2) Cuvok (Gravina) dʒaraj locust locuste, criquet
3Proto-Tera *ⁿdzere locust locuste 3.1) Nyimatli (Harley) ʒoola locust criquet 3.1.1) Nyimatli (Harley) ⁿdʒere cricket
4Proto-Sukur *dzalaj locust criquet migrateur 4.1) Sukur (Thomas) dzalai locust; an insect that lives in hot countries and flies in lage groups, destroying and the plants and crops of an area.
5Proto-Hurza *dzaraj locust locuste 5.1) Mbuko (Gravina) dzaraj locust criquet migrateur 5.2) Vame (Kinnaird) dzùràj cricket criquets qui se déplacent en grands nombres qui dévastent la récolte.
6Proto-Mofu *dzaraj locust locuste 6.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) dzàràj locust, grasshopper sauterelle, locuste, criquet migrateur 6.2) Muyang (Smith) dʒɑrɑj Plague Locust locuste migratoire, criquet 6.3) Mada (Nkoumou) dʒara criquet migrateur (criquet pélérin) 6.4) Moloko (Friesen) dʒaraj locust criquet; sauterelle 6.5) Zulgo (Haller) dzará sauterelle f. sp. 6.6) Gemzek (Sabatai) dzara sauterelle 6.7) Merey (Gravina) dzaraj locust locuste, criquet migrateur 6.8) Mofu North (Barreteau) dzārāj criquet migrateur 6.9) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) dʒáraj criquet migrateur (dévastateur des plantes)
7Proto-Maroua *dzaraj locust locuste 7.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) dʒaraj criquets pèlerins dévasteurs
8Proto-Higi *dzalaj locust locuste 8.1) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) dzala locust criquet 8.2) Bana (Lienhard) dʒìr criquet migrateur
9Proto-Gidar *zaraj locust criquet migrateur 9.1) Gidar (Hungerford) zaraj criquet, sauterelle
dzavɨn nf. guinea fowl pintade (17 groups, 49 languages) B
Although this is one of the most widely attested roots in Central Chadic, the reconstruction presents some difficulties. The initial *dz is only retained in two groups. It is realised as *ts in five groups and as *z in ten groups. Only in the Gidar and Kotoko Centre groups is this change regular. *dz is preferred for the reconstruction as being the most likely to produce the other two realisations. The *v is realised as *f in Kotoko North (a regular change), as *b in the Sukur and Mandara groups (an unestablished change), and as *p in the Mafa group (also an unestablished change). The *n is realised as *r in the Margi, Mandara and Mofu groups, which is a regular change. The labialisation in the Bata and Maroua groups is a sporadic innovation, as is the palatalisation in the Tera, Mandara and Musgum groups.
1Proto-Bata *zavʷɨn guineafowl pintade 1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) zòovə̀ná guinea fowl 1.2) Jimi (Djibi) zavʷənən Pintade 1.3) Sharwa (Gravina) zavunə pintade 1.4) Tsuvan (Johnston) zavənkən la pintade
2Proto-Daba *zavɨn guineafowl pintade 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) zɑvɑn guinea fowl pintade 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) zɑvən guinea fowl pintade 2.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) zavaŋ guinea fowl pintade 2.4) Daba (Lienhard) zàvə́n la pintade
3Proto-Mafa *zapan guineafowl pintade 3.1) Mafa (Barreteau) zápán pintade 3.2) Cuvok (Gravina) zapaŋ guinea fowl pintade
4Proto-Tera *tsivan guineafowl pintade 4.1) Tera (Newman) tʃivan guinea-fowl pintade 4.2) Nyimatli (Harley) ʃivan guinea fowl pintade
5Proto-Sukur *zabɨn guinea fowl pintade 5.1) Sukur (David) zabən guineafowl pintade 5.2) Sukur (Thomas) zabən guineafowl; is the general term for guinea fowl; it has dark grey feathers with white spots. There are two types of guineafowls: demostic and bush guineafowls.
6Proto-Hurza *zavɨn guineafowl pintade 6.1) Mbuko (Gravina) nzavan guinea fowl pintade 6.2) Vame (Kinnaird) sàvnàk partridge pintade
7Proto-Margi *tsɨvɨr guineafowl pintade 7.1) Margi (Hoffman) tsəvər guinea-fowl pintade 7.2) Kilba (Schuh) tsəvər guinea fowl pintade 7.3) Bura (Blench) tsə̀və́ra Guinea fowl
8Proto-Mandara *zabɨra ʸ guineafowl pintade 8.1) Matal (Branger) zavər guineafowl pintade 8.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) zaᵐbəra,-a pintade 8.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) ʒábèrá pintade (f) 8.4) Malgwa (Löhr) ʒebre guinea fowl pintade 8.5) Glavda (Nghagyiva) ʒàbɾa guinea fowl pintade 8.5.1) Glavda (Owens) žeeb guinea fowl pintade 8.5.2) Glavda (Owens) zabə guinea fowl pintade
9Proto-Mofu *dzavɨr guineafowl pintade 9.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) zàvàr guinea fowl pintade 9.2) Muyang (Smith) dʒɑvɑr guinea fowl pintade 9.3) Mada (Nkoumou) zàvàr pintade 9.4) Moloko (Friesen) dʒavar guinea fowl pintade 9.5) Zulgo (Haller) ⁿdzávə́r pintade f. 9.6) Gemzek (Sabatai) ⁿdzavar guinea fowl pintade 9.7) Merey (Gravina) ⁿdzavar guinea fowl pintade 9.8) Dugwor (Jubumna) ⁿdʒavar guinea fowl pintade 9.9) Mofu North (Barreteau) ⁿdzàvár pintade 9.9.1) Mofu North (Barreteau) ⁿdzávár pintade 9.10) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) tsavár pintade (Mokong) 9.10.1) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) tsavár pintade (Mokong) 9.10.2) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ⁿdʒavár pintade commune (Gudur)
10Proto-Maroua *tsɨvɨn ʷ guineafowl pintade 10.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) tʃuvuŋ pintade 10.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) tʃuvon guinea fowl pintade 10.3) Mbazla (Tourneux) tʃufuŋ pintade
11Proto-Lamang *zɨvɨn guineafowl pintade 11.1) Hdi (Bramlett) zəvnək guinea hen la pintade
12Proto-Higi *zivɨn guineafowl pintade 12.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) zəvənə guinea fowl pintade 12.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) zivəno guinea fowl pintade 12.3) Bana (Lienhard) zə̀və́nì pintade
13Proto-Kotoko North *tsafan guineafowl pintade 13.1) Afade (Allison) tsɨfan; gɨdɨgo guinea fowl pintade 13.2) Mpade (Allison) safan guinea fowl pintade 13.3) Malgbe (Allison) safan guinea fowl pintade 13.4) Maltam (Allison) safan guinea fowl pintade
14Proto-Kotoko Centre *zavan guineafowl pintade 14.1) Lagwan (Allison) zavan guinea fowl pintade 14.2) Mser (Allison) savan guinea fowl pintade
15Proto-Kotoko South *dzavaŋ guineafowl pintade 15.1) Mazera (Allison) dʒavaŋ guinea fowl pintade
16Proto-Musgum *tsaavan ʸ guineafowl pintade 16.1) Mbara (Tourneux) tʃeeveŋ helmet guinea-fowl pintade
17Proto-Gidar *zamvɨna guinea fowl pintade 17.1) Gidar (Hungerford) zamvəna pintade 17.2) Gidar (Schuh) samvəna/a pintade 17.3) Gidar (Hungerford) zafʼna pintade
dzɨdzɨ ʸ nm. grandfather grand-père (8 groups, 17 languages) A
The initial *dz has the reflex *ts in Proto-Hurza and Proto-Margi, which is an unestablished change in both cases. In Proto-Mandara both *dz have become *d, also an unestablished change. The palatalisation prosody is supported by the data from all the groups. In the Mandara group, the palatalisation prosody has effected the *d. This was followed by a regular change where palatalised alveolars become palatalised velars, resulting in *dʲ→gʲ. In Mbuko and Sukur, the reflex of the root is not reduplicated, but other material has been added.
1Proto-Bata *dzɨdzɨ ʸ grandfather gradn-père 1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) dzə̀dzə̀ 1.1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) dzə̀dzə̀ grandfather, grandfather's male sibling or cousin. 1.2) Jimi (Djibi) dzədzən Grand-père ; les enfants appellent leur grand-père "dzedza" comme lui aussi les appelle de la même façon. 1.3) Sharwa (Gravina) dʒidʒə grandpère 1.4) Tsuvan (Johnston) dzədze grand-père
2Proto-Daba *dzadzɨ ʸ grandfather grand-père 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) dʒedʒe grandparent grand-parent 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) dʒedʒi grandparent grand-parent
3Proto-Sukur *dzɨkʷɨ ʸ grandfather grand-père 3.1) Sukur (Thomas) dʒiku grand father:- father to your father or to your mother.
4Proto-Hurza *tsɨdza ʸ grandfather grand-père 4.1) Mbuko (Gravina) bidʒe grandfather grand-père 4.2) Vame (Kinnaird) tʃèdʒé grandfather ; grandad grand-parents
5Proto-Margi *tsɨdzɨ ʸ grandfather grand-père 5.1) Margi (Hoffman) tʃidʒi grandparent 5.2) Margi South (Harley) tʃidʒi grandparent 5.3) Kilba (Schuh) adʒi grandchild, grandparent
6Proto-Mandara *dɨdɨ ʸ grandfather grand-père 6.1) Mandara (Fluckiger) éggje grand-père, grand-mère, petit(s) fils/fille 6.1.1) Mandara (Fluckiger) eggjááje grand-parent (m)(fam.) 6.2) Malgwa (Löhr) əggje grandparents
7Proto-Lamang *dzidzi grandfather grand-père 7.1) Lamang (Wolff) dzidzi grandfather 7.2) Hdi (Bramlett) dzidzi grandfather le grand-père
8Proto-Higi *dzʲɨdzʲɨ grandfather grand-père 8.1) Bana (Lienhard) dʒìdʒì grand-père
dzɨgʷɨr n. hump bosse (10 groups, 18 languages) C
This root denotes the hump on a zebu cow, and is used by extension for a human hunchback. It is found almost exclusively in the languages of the North sub-branch. It may have come into Central Chadic from an old form of the Kanuri zugure, or the transmission may have been in the opposite direction. If the root did come from Kanuri, the back vowels were reanalysed as labialisation of the /g/. Given the widespread distribution of the root, and evidence that the early Central Chadic peoples were cattle-herders, it seems more probable that the root spread from Central Chadic to Kanuri, though the forms in Musgum and some of the Kotoko groups may be due to borrowing the more recent form of the Kanuri word. Two groups have *ɗ as the initial consonant, possibly reflecting the arrival of the same root but from a different source.
1Proto-Daba ɗɨgʷɨr ʸ hump bosse 1.1) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) ɗiᵑgir hump (of cow) bosse (de vache) 1.2) Gavar (Viljoen) ɗəᵑgur hump bosse 1.3) Buwal (Viljoen) ɗəgʷar hump bosse
2Proto-Tera ɗɨgʷɨl hump bosse 2.1) Nyimatli (Harley) ɗugul hump bosse
3Proto-Sukur *dzɨgʷɨɗ ʸ hump bosse 3.1) Sukur (David) dʒiguɗ hump, of cow 3.2) Sukur (Thomas) dʒiguɗ hump, a large lump at the back of animals, specially camel, cow
4Proto-Hurza *dzɨgʷar hump bosse 4.1) Mbuko (Gravina) mədzəgar cow hump bosse (f) d'un boeuf 4.2) Vame (Kinnaird) hʷádègʷàr hump of a cow bosse de boeuf
5Proto-Margi *dzikʷɨr ʸ, madagara hump bosse 5.1) Bura (Blench) madagara Stooped, hump-backed 5.1.1) Bura (Blench) madakara Stooped, hump-backed. See madagara 5.1.2) Bura (Blench) dʒukur Bump or hump of a cow 5.1.3) Bura (Blench) dʒikur Hump on cattle
6Proto-Mofu *madzɨgɨr, mɨtakʷar hump bosse 6.1) Moloko (Friesen) mətokor hump on an animal or person bosse d'un animal ou d'une personne 6.2) Zulgo (Haller) mádzə̀gə̀r bosse (f.) d'un animal 6.3) Gemzek (Sabatai) madzəgar hump (of hunchback) bosse 6.3.1) Gemzek (Sabatai) madzəgar bump (n) bosse 6.3.2) Gemzek (Sabatai) madzəgar hump (of cow) bosse (de vache) 6.4) Merey (Gravina) madzəgar hump (of hunchback) bosse 6.5) Mofu North (Barreteau) mádzə̀gàr bosse (de zébu)
7Proto-Kotoko North *sɨgʷɨre hump bosse 7.1) Mpade (Allison) súgùré hump (of cow) bosse (de vache) 7.2) Malgbe (Allison) sɨgbɨre hump (of cow) bosse (de vache) 7.2.1) Malgbe (Allison) sɨgbɨre hump (of hunchback) bosse
8Proto-Kotoko Centre *zɨrkʼʷa hump bosse 8.1) Lagwan (Allison) zurkʼʷa hump (of cow) bosse (de vache)
9Proto-Kotoko South *dzaŋkʷara hump bosse 9.1) Mazera (Allison) dʒaŋkʷara hump (of cow) bosse (de vache)
10Proto-Musgum *zɨgʷɨrij hump bosse 10.1) Mulwi (Tourneux) zugurii bosse de la vache
11Kanuri zúgùrè //// tsúgurē hump (of cow) bosse (de vache)
dzɨmɨkʷ ʸ nm. porcupine porc-épic (8 groups, 15 languages) B cf: tsɨhʷɨɗ ʸ.
This is the most widely-attested root for 'porcupine'. It may be an innovation in Proto-Central Chadic South, since it is found in at least four of the five groups within the South sub-branch of Central Chadic, and in few other languages. The final consonant is *n in the Daba group, and a glottal stop in the Bata group. The final consonant may be an historic noun suffix which is no longer productive. The *m is sporadically realised as /ᵐb/ in the Mafa, Mofu and Lamang groups. There is support for the palatalisation prosody from all groups except the isolated instances in Podoko and Mofu-Gudur. In Hdi it is frozen into the vowel system, and in the Higi group it is realised as a palatalised laminal consonant. The *dz has reflexes /d/, /z/ and /ts/. There is not enough data to identify these as regular changes in any of these groups, though Proto-Bata and Proto-Lamang have the related change *ts→t, and Proto-Higi has the analogous devoicing of *d to t.
1Proto-Bata *dɨmaʔa ʸ porcupine porc-épic 1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) də̀mə̀já porcupine 1.2) Sharwa (Gravina) dimaʼa porc-épic 1.3) Tsuvan (Johnston) dimaʼa le porc-épic
2Proto-Daba *zɨmɨn ʸ porcupine porc-épic 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) zəmeŋ porcupine porc-épic 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) ʒimɑm porcupine porc-épic 2.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) zeᵐbəŋ porcupine porc-épic 2.4) Daba (Lienhard) zàᵐbán le porc-épic
3Proto-Mafa *dɨᵐbakʷ ʸ porcupine porc-épic 3.1) Mafa (Barreteau) diᵐbek porc-épic 3.2) Cuvok (Gravina) dəᵐbekʷ porcupine porc-épic 3.2.1) Cuvok (Gravina) dəᵐbəkʷ por-épick
4Proto-Sukur *dzɨmɨk ʸ porcupine porc-épic 4.1) Sukur (David) dʒimək porcupine porc-épic 4.2) Sukur (Thomas) dʒimək porcupine; an animals covered with long stiff parts like needles which it can raise to protect itself when it is attacked. it usually live in a rocks.
5Proto-Mandara *dɨᵐbɨkɨ porcupine porc-épic 5.1) Podoko (Swackhammer) dɨ́ᵐbɨke,-ə porc-épic
6Proto-Mofu *damdzakʷ porcupine porc-épic 6.1) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) dám-jakʷ porc-épic sp.
7Proto-Lamang *diᵐbikʷ porcupine porc-épic 7.1) Hdi (Bramlett) diᵐbikʷ porcupine le porc-épic
8Proto-Higi *tsʲɨmɨkʷ porcupine porc-épic 8.1) Kirya (Blench) tʃìmə́hú porcupine porc-épic 8.2) Bana (Lienhard) tʃìmə́kə́ porc-épic
dzɨvaj n. tomb tombeau (6 groups, 13 languages) A
The word denotes the hole in which a body is buried, which may be a vertical hole leading to a small chamber and covered with a rock. The *dz has undergone the unestablished change to /ts/ in Daba and some Mofu group languages, and to /z/ in the Maroua group. The *j has been reanalysed as the palatalisation prosody in the Daba and Maroua groups, which is a common sporadic change. The range of use of the root implies an origin in the Mandara Mountains, and may reflect an ancient Daba-Mafa practice.
1Proto-Daba *tsɨvɨʔ ʸ grave tombeau 1.1) Daba (Lienhard) tʃìvīʼ la tombe
2Proto-Mafa *dzɨvaj grave tombeau 2.1) Mafa (Ndokobai) dzavaj tombeau 2.2) Cuvok (Gravina) dʒəvaj grave tombe, tombeau
3Proto-Hurza *dzɨvaj grave tombeau 3.1) Mbuko (Gravina) dʒəvaj tomb tombeau
4Proto-Mandara *dzɨvaj tomb tombeau 4.1) Matal (Branger) zəvaj grave tombe 4.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) dʒúve,-i tombeau
5Proto-Mofu *dzɨvaj tomb tombeau 5.1) Zulgo (Haller) dìve tombeau m. 5.2) Gemzek (Sabatai) dzəva la tombe 5.3) Merey (Gravina) tsəvaj tombe 5.4) Mofu North (Barreteau) ɗ[i tsə̀vàj tombe (cou) 5.5) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ́tsəvaj tombe
6Proto-Maroua *zɨvɨ ʸ grave tombeau 6.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) zivi tombe 6.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) zive grave tombe, tombeau
dzɨvɨ ʸ n. arm bras (4 groups, 14 languages) C syn: paɮa, hɨra.
This root is found in the south-west of the Central Chadic area. Evidence for the palatalisation prosody comes only from the Bata group. The *dz is realised as /ts/ or /t/ in the Bata group, and as /d/ or /r/ in the Mandara group. There is a regular change *d to /r/ within the Mandara group, but only in intervocalic position. The other changes are unestablished.
1Proto-Bata *tsɨvɨ ʸ arm bras 1.1) Bata (Boyd) tɨ̀fe hand 1.2) Gude (Hoskinson) tʃíinə (inher. poss., body part) hand, arm. 1.3) Jimi (Djibi) tʃijən Main ; c'est un mot qui sert aussi à montrer d'autres parties de la main : 1.4) Sharwa (Gravina) tivi bras, main 1.5) Tsuvan (Johnston) tʃəve la main, le bras
2Proto-Mandara *dɨva arm bras 2.1) Mandara (Fluckiger) érva bras (m), main (f) 2.2) Malgwa (Löhr) ərva hand 2.3) Glavda (Owens) də́ hand 2.3.1) Glavda (Nghagyiva) dɨ̀va arm 2.3.2) Glavda (Nghagyiva) dɨ̀va hand 2.4) Dghwede (Frick) dəva arm, hand
3Proto-Lamang *dzɨvɨw arm bras 3.1) Lamang (Wolff) dzə̀vò hand 3.2) Hdi (Bramlett) dzəvu hand la main
4Proto-Higi *dzɨvɨ arm bras 4.1) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) dziɓə hand 4.2) Psikye (Angelo) dzəvə hand 4.3) Bana (Lienhard) də̀və̀ main
dzɨwɨɗ ʸ nf/m fly mouche (17 groups, 44 languages) A
This well-attested root is found in all groups except for the Tera group. There is support for the palatalisation prosody across the reconstructions of the forms of the group proto-languages. In many cases there is the common change *ɗ to /j/ under palatalization. In Proto-Bata *ɗ has been reduced to *ʔ, and in Proto-Kotoko North it has fused with *dz to form the ejective *tsʼ. Both of these are common sporadic changes. The *dz is variously realised as /d/, /z/, /ts/. The changes in Proto-Margi, Proto-Musgum and Proto-Kotoko Centre are regular, but the rest are unestablished. The *w has been lost in Proto-Bata, Proto-Margi and Proto-Gidar, which is a common sporadic change.
1Proto-Bata *dzɨʔɨ ʸ fly mouche 1.1) Bata (Boyd) dʒitto fly 1.2) Gude (Hoskinson) dʒì ʼ í́lá cow fly. 1.3) Jimi (Djibi) dʒiʼin Mouche 1.4) Sharwa (Gravina) dʒiʼi mouche
2Proto-Daba *dzɨwɨɗ ʸ fly mouche 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) dʒedʒəweɗ fly (n) mouche 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) dʒiwiɗ fly (n) mouche 2.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) dʒidʒiwəɗ fly (n) mouche 2.4) Daba (Lienhard) tʃèdī la mouche
3Proto-Mafa *dzɨwaj fly mouche 3.1) Mafa (Barreteau) dzúwáj mouche
4Proto-Sukur *dzɨwɨɗ ʸ fly mouche 4.1) Sukur (David) dʒuwi fly mouche 4.2) Sukur (Thomas) dʒui fly;- general term for flies.
5Proto-Hurza *dzɨwaj fly mouche 5.1) Mbuko (Gravina) dzuwaj fly mouche 5.2) Vame (Kinnaird) dzùwàj fly mouche
6Proto-Margi tsɨɗɨ ʸ fly mouche 6.1) Margi (Hoffman) tʃiɗi fly mouche 6.2) Kilba (Schuh) tʃəɗi fly (n) mouche 6.3) Bura (Blench) tʃiri General name for the fly and bee group of insects mouche
7Proto-Mandara *ⁿdzɨwɨɗ ʸ fly mouche 7.1) Matal (Branger) zwaj, zəwaj, zuwaj fly mouche 7.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) ⁿdʒəwe,-ə mouche 7.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) ⁿdʒáŋʷá mouche (f), espèce (sens figuré) 7.4) Malgwa (Löhr) ⁿdʒəŋʷa fly mouche 7.5) Glavda (Owens) nğu fly mouche 7.5.1) Glavda (Nghagyiva) nd͡ʒùja fly (n) mouche
8Proto-Mofu *dzɨwaj fly mouche 8.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) zùwàj fly mouche 8.2) Muyang (Smith) ezʉwi house fly; fly mouche 8.2.1) Muyang (Smith) ezʉwi dummy opponent in a game adversaire imaginaire dans un jeu de société 8.3) Moloko (Friesen) dʒəwaj fly mouche 8.3.1) Moloko (Friesen) dʒəwaj 8.4) Zulgo (Haller) dzìwe mouche f. 8.5) Gemzek (Sabatai) dzuwe fly (n) mouche 8.6) Merey (Gravina) dzuwaj fly (n) mouche 8.7) Dugwor (Jubumna) dʒuwaj fly (n) mouche 8.8) Mofu North (Barreteau) dzùwáj mouche 8.9) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ́dʒadʒəwaj mouche (nom gén.)
9Proto-Maroua *dzɨdzɨwɨɗ ʸ fly mouche 9.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) dʒidʒiwiɗ(i) mouche 9.1.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) dʒidʒiwiɗ(i) abeille 9.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) dʒidʒiweɗ fly (n) mouche
10Proto-Lamang *ziwɗi fly mouche 10.1) Lamang (Wolff) ziɗi fly 10.2) Hdi (Bramlett) ziɗikʷ fly la mouche
11Proto-Higi *zʲɨwiɗ fly mouche 11.1) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) ʒiwi fly (insect); housefly mouche 11.2) Kirya (Blench) ʒéw housefly mouche 11.3) Bana (Lienhard) ʒíɓ(i) mouche
12Proto-Kotoko Island *hadzu fly mouche 12.1) Buduma (McKone) hâdʒu mouche.
13Proto-Kotoko North *tsʼɨwi fly mouche 13.1) Afade (Allison) tsɨwi fly (n) mouche 13.2) Maltam (Allison) sʼiwi fly (n) mouche
14Proto-Kotoko Centre *zɨwiɗ fly mouche 14.1) Lagwan (Allison) zu fly (n) mouche 14.2) Mser (Allison) msʼɨwi fly (n) mouche
15Proto-Kotoko South *dzadzwi fly mouche 15.1) Zina (Odden) dʒàdʒwì fly (n) mouche
16Proto-Musgum *dɨwaj fly mouche 16.1) Vulum (Tourneux) aduwaj mouche 16.2) Mbara (Tourneux) tuwaj fly (insect) mouche
17Proto-Gidar *zɨkɗa ʸ fly mouche 17.1) Gidar (Hungerford) zikɗe mouche 17.2) Gidar (Schuh) zikɗe/e mouche
dzɨwɨn ʸ nf. elephant éléphant (5 groups, 13 languages) A syn: ᵐbɨlala ʸ, gɨwɨn, nɨvi.
This root is one of several roots for elephant. It is possible cognate with *gɨwɨn, but the two roots would have developed along very different paths. The change *dz→ts in Proto-Margi and Proto-Higi is not known as a regular change, though Proto-Margi did have the change *z→s. There was a regular change *n→r in word-final position in the Margi-Mandara-Mofu major group. There is support for the palatalization prosody in all groups.
1Proto-Bata *dzɨwɨnɨ ʸ elephant éléphant 1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) tʃóonà -ə elephant 1.2) Jimi (Djibi) dʒuunən Eléphant
2Proto-Tera *dzɨwan ʸ elephant éléphant 2.1) Tera (Newman) dʒuwan elephant 2.2) Nyimatli (Harley) ʒuwan elephant 2.3) Gaʼanda (Gwaji) tʃhuwena elephant
3Proto-Sukur *dzɨwan ʸ elephant éléphant 3.1) Sukur (David) dʒuwan elephant 3.2) Sukur (Thomas) dʒiwan elephant; a large animal with thick grey skin, large ears, two curved teeth called tusk and long nose called trunk.
4Proto-Margi *tsɨwar ʸ elephant éléphant 4.1) Bura (Blench) tʃiwar The elephant 4.2) Margi (Hoffman) tʃuwar elephant 4.3) Margi South (Harley) tʃiwar elephant
5Proto-Higi *tsʲɨwɨn elephant éléphant 5.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) tʃhiwə elephant 5.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) tʃhiwe elephant 5.3) Kirya (Blench) tʃùúnə́ elephant 5.4) Bana (Lienhard) tʃìwə̀ éléphant


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dz


dzagʷa nf. hat chapeau (10 groups, 21 languages) A
This root is found in almost all groups of the North sub-branch of Central Chadic, but in none of the groups of the South sub-branch. This is not known to be a borrowed root, and so may be a Central Chadic root, originating in Proto-Central Chadic North. The original type of hat could have been straw, cloth or leather. There is some variation between /gʷ/ and /kʷ/, and in the vocalisation patterns, and these changes are unestablished.
1Proto-Hurza *dzɨgʷa hat chapeau 1.1) Mbuko (Gravina) dʒugo hat chapeau 1.2) Vame (Kinnaird) dzúgē helmet bonnet
2Proto-Margi *dzakʷa hat chapeau 2.1) Bura (Blench) dzakʷa Hat; cap or soft hat
3Proto-Mandara *dzakʷɨ hat chapeau 3.1) Matal (Branger) dzakʷa hat chapeau 3.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) dzakʷa,-u chapeau 3.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) dzakʷé bonnet (m) 3.4) Glavda (Nghagyiva) d͡zákʷa hat
4Proto-Mofu *dzagʷɨ hat chapeau 4.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) dzàgù hat chapeau 4.2) Muyang (Smith) dʒɑku hat made of cloth chapeau 4.3) Moloko (Friesen) dʒogo hat chapeau; bonnet 4.4) Merey (Gravina) dzagʷa chapeau 4.4.1) Merey (Gravina) dzakʷa bonnet ou chapeau 4.5) Dugwor (Jubumna) dʒiggo hat chapeau 4.6) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) dʒikʷew bonnet
5Proto-Maroua *dzakʷɨ hat chapeau 5.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) dʒijku chapeau 5.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) dʒoko hat chapeau
6Proto-Lamang *dzɨgʷa hat chapeau 6.1) Lamang (Wolff) dzoŋo hat 6.2) Hdi (Bramlett) dzugʷa leather hat le chapeau de cuir
7Proto-Kotoko Island *ⁿdzakʷa hat chapeau 7.1) Buduma (McKone) ⁿdʒokʷa hat chapeau 7.2) Buduma (McKone) ⁿdʒokʷa bonnet (n : [njakwa]).
8Proto-Kotoko North *sagʷa hat chapeau 8.1) Mpade (Allison) ságʷá hat chapeau
9Proto-Kotoko South *dzakʷɨ hat chapeau 9.1) Zina (Odden) dʒàkú hat chapeau
10Proto-Musgum *zagaw hat chapeau 10.1) Vulum (Tourneux) zagaw bonnet
dzaj v. to bite mordre (5 groups, 14 languages) syn: hʷɨpɨɗ.
This root is largely stable, with the only change being the unestablished change *dz to /ts/ in the Daba and Maroua groups. The final *j is realised as the palatalisation prosody in the Mafa, Mandara and Maroua groups, which is a common sporadic process. The Proto-Daba root is prenasalised, which is also a common sporadic process.
1Proto-Daba *ntsa bite mordre 1.1) Buwal (Viljoen) ŋtʃɑ bite (v) mordre 1.1.1) Buwal (Viljoen) ŋtʃɑ gnaw ronger 1.1.2) Buwal (Viljoen) ŋtʃɑ sting piquer 1.2) Gavar (Viljoen) ŋtsɑ bite (v) mordre 1.2.1) Gavar (Viljoen) ŋtsɑ sting piquer 1.3) Daba (Lienhard) ᵑgàtʃ mordre, tourmenter, aboyer
2Proto-Mafa *dza ʸ bite mordre 2.1) Mafa (Ndokobai) n dʒe mordre 2.1.1) Mafa (Barreteau) dʒ- mordre
3Proto-Mandara *dza ʸ bite mordre 3.1) Matal (Branger) matsaj bite mordre 3.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) ⁿdʒewé 1 mordre 3.3) Malgwa (Löhr) dʒa bite, beat (with stick) 3.4) Dghwede (Frick) ⁿdzaxa bite
4Proto-Mofu *dzaj bite mordre 4.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) mātsāj mordre, piquer plusieurs fois 4.2) Zulgo (Haller) dze(-r) mordre 4.3) Gemzek (Sabatai) dzaj bite (v) mordre 4.3.1) Gemzek (Sabatai) a dzaj mordre 4.3.2) Gemzek (Sabatai) medze strike (snake) mordre, piquer (serpent) 4.4) Mofu North (Barreteau) mézèj mordre 4.4.1) Mofu North (Barreteau) mézèj piquer (serpent) 4.5) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ́z mordre, piquer (serpent)
5Proto-Maroua *tsɨ ʸ bite mordre 5.1) Mbazla (Tourneux) tʃi mordre
dzaraj nm. locust criquet migrateur (9 groups, 22 languages) A cf: haɗikʷ.
This word denotes the locust, known well in the region for appearing periodically in huge swarms and devastating crops. The change *dz to /z/ in Gidar is regular, as is the change *r to *l in the groups of the North sub-branch, though the Mofu, Maroua and Gidar groups do not show this change. The final *j has been reanalysed as the palatalisation prosody in the Daba group, and possibly in the Tera group, which is a common sporadic process.
1Proto-Daba *dzara ʸ locust locuste 1.1) Buwal (Viljoen) dʒere locust locuste, criquet 1.2) Gavar (Viljoen) dʒeri locust locuste, criquet 1.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) dʒere locust locuste, criquet
2Proto-Mafa *dzaraj locust locuste 2.1) Mafa (Ndokobai) dzaraj criquet 2.2) Cuvok (Gravina) dʒaraj locust locuste, criquet
3Proto-Tera *ⁿdzere locust locuste 3.1) Nyimatli (Harley) ʒoola locust criquet 3.1.1) Nyimatli (Harley) ⁿdʒere cricket
4Proto-Sukur *dzalaj locust criquet migrateur 4.1) Sukur (Thomas) dzalai locust; an insect that lives in hot countries and flies in lage groups, destroying and the plants and crops of an area.
5Proto-Hurza *dzaraj locust locuste 5.1) Mbuko (Gravina) dzaraj locust criquet migrateur 5.2) Vame (Kinnaird) dzùràj cricket criquets qui se déplacent en grands nombres qui dévastent la récolte.
6Proto-Mofu *dzaraj locust locuste 6.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) dzàràj locust, grasshopper sauterelle, locuste, criquet migrateur 6.2) Muyang (Smith) dʒɑrɑj Plague Locust locuste migratoire, criquet 6.3) Mada (Nkoumou) dʒara criquet migrateur (criquet pélérin) 6.4) Moloko (Friesen) dʒaraj locust criquet; sauterelle 6.5) Zulgo (Haller) dzará sauterelle f. sp. 6.6) Gemzek (Sabatai) dzara sauterelle 6.7) Merey (Gravina) dzaraj locust locuste, criquet migrateur 6.8) Mofu North (Barreteau) dzārāj criquet migrateur 6.9) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) dʒáraj criquet migrateur (dévastateur des plantes)
7Proto-Maroua *dzaraj locust locuste 7.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) dʒaraj criquets pèlerins dévasteurs
8Proto-Higi *dzalaj locust locuste 8.1) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) dzala locust criquet 8.2) Bana (Lienhard) dʒìr criquet migrateur
9Proto-Gidar *zaraj locust criquet migrateur 9.1) Gidar (Hungerford) zaraj criquet, sauterelle
dzavɨn nf. guinea fowl pintade (17 groups, 49 languages) B
Although this is one of the most widely attested roots in Central Chadic, the reconstruction presents some difficulties. The initial *dz is only retained in two groups. It is realised as *ts in five groups and as *z in ten groups. Only in the Gidar and Kotoko Centre groups is this change regular. *dz is preferred for the reconstruction as being the most likely to produce the other two realisations. The *v is realised as *f in Kotoko North (a regular change), as *b in the Sukur and Mandara groups (an unestablished change), and as *p in the Mafa group (also an unestablished change). The *n is realised as *r in the Margi, Mandara and Mofu groups, which is a regular change. The labialisation in the Bata and Maroua groups is a sporadic innovation, as is the palatalisation in the Tera, Mandara and Musgum groups.
1Proto-Bata *zavʷɨn guineafowl pintade 1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) zòovə̀ná guinea fowl 1.2) Jimi (Djibi) zavʷənən Pintade 1.3) Sharwa (Gravina) zavunə pintade 1.4) Tsuvan (Johnston) zavənkən la pintade
2Proto-Daba *zavɨn guineafowl pintade 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) zɑvɑn guinea fowl pintade 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) zɑvən guinea fowl pintade 2.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) zavaŋ guinea fowl pintade 2.4) Daba (Lienhard) zàvə́n la pintade
3Proto-Mafa *zapan guineafowl pintade 3.1) Mafa (Barreteau) zápán pintade 3.2) Cuvok (Gravina) zapaŋ guinea fowl pintade
4Proto-Tera *tsivan guineafowl pintade 4.1) Tera (Newman) tʃivan guinea-fowl pintade 4.2) Nyimatli (Harley) ʃivan guinea fowl pintade
5Proto-Sukur *zabɨn guinea fowl pintade 5.1) Sukur (David) zabən guineafowl pintade 5.2) Sukur (Thomas) zabən guineafowl; is the general term for guinea fowl; it has dark grey feathers with white spots. There are two types of guineafowls: demostic and bush guineafowls.
6Proto-Hurza *zavɨn guineafowl pintade 6.1) Mbuko (Gravina) nzavan guinea fowl pintade 6.2) Vame (Kinnaird) sàvnàk partridge pintade
7Proto-Margi *tsɨvɨr guineafowl pintade 7.1) Margi (Hoffman) tsəvər guinea-fowl pintade 7.2) Kilba (Schuh) tsəvər guinea fowl pintade 7.3) Bura (Blench) tsə̀və́ra Guinea fowl
8Proto-Mandara *zabɨra ʸ guineafowl pintade 8.1) Matal (Branger) zavər guineafowl pintade 8.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) zaᵐbəra,-a pintade 8.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) ʒábèrá pintade (f) 8.4) Malgwa (Löhr) ʒebre guinea fowl pintade 8.5) Glavda (Nghagyiva) ʒàbɾa guinea fowl pintade 8.5.1) Glavda (Owens) žeeb guinea fowl pintade 8.5.2) Glavda (Owens) zabə guinea fowl pintade
9Proto-Mofu *dzavɨr guineafowl pintade 9.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) zàvàr guinea fowl pintade 9.2) Muyang (Smith) dʒɑvɑr guinea fowl pintade 9.3) Mada (Nkoumou) zàvàr pintade 9.4) Moloko (Friesen) dʒavar guinea fowl pintade 9.5) Zulgo (Haller) ⁿdzávə́r pintade f. 9.6) Gemzek (Sabatai) ⁿdzavar guinea fowl pintade 9.7) Merey (Gravina) ⁿdzavar guinea fowl pintade 9.8) Dugwor (Jubumna) ⁿdʒavar guinea fowl pintade 9.9) Mofu North (Barreteau) ⁿdzàvár pintade 9.9.1) Mofu North (Barreteau) ⁿdzávár pintade 9.10) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) tsavár pintade (Mokong) 9.10.1) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) tsavár pintade (Mokong) 9.10.2) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ⁿdʒavár pintade commune (Gudur)
10Proto-Maroua *tsɨvɨn ʷ guineafowl pintade 10.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) tʃuvuŋ pintade 10.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) tʃuvon guinea fowl pintade 10.3) Mbazla (Tourneux) tʃufuŋ pintade
11Proto-Lamang *zɨvɨn guineafowl pintade 11.1) Hdi (Bramlett) zəvnək guinea hen la pintade
12Proto-Higi *zivɨn guineafowl pintade 12.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) zəvənə guinea fowl pintade 12.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) zivəno guinea fowl pintade 12.3) Bana (Lienhard) zə̀və́nì pintade
13Proto-Kotoko North *tsafan guineafowl pintade 13.1) Afade (Allison) tsɨfan; gɨdɨgo guinea fowl pintade 13.2) Mpade (Allison) safan guinea fowl pintade 13.3) Malgbe (Allison) safan guinea fowl pintade 13.4) Maltam (Allison) safan guinea fowl pintade
14Proto-Kotoko Centre *zavan guineafowl pintade 14.1) Lagwan (Allison) zavan guinea fowl pintade 14.2) Mser (Allison) savan guinea fowl pintade
15Proto-Kotoko South *dzavaŋ guineafowl pintade 15.1) Mazera (Allison) dʒavaŋ guinea fowl pintade
16Proto-Musgum *tsaavan ʸ guineafowl pintade 16.1) Mbara (Tourneux) tʃeeveŋ helmet guinea-fowl pintade
17Proto-Gidar *zamvɨna guinea fowl pintade 17.1) Gidar (Hungerford) zamvəna pintade 17.2) Gidar (Schuh) samvəna/a pintade 17.3) Gidar (Hungerford) zafʼna pintade
dzɨdzɨ ʸ nm. grandfather grand-père (8 groups, 17 languages) A
The initial *dz has the reflex *ts in Proto-Hurza and Proto-Margi, which is an unestablished change in both cases. In Proto-Mandara both *dz have become *d, also an unestablished change. The palatalisation prosody is supported by the data from all the groups. In the Mandara group, the palatalisation prosody has effected the *d. This was followed by a regular change where palatalised alveolars become palatalised velars, resulting in *dʲ→gʲ. In Mbuko and Sukur, the reflex of the root is not reduplicated, but other material has been added.
1Proto-Bata *dzɨdzɨ ʸ grandfather gradn-père 1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) dzə̀dzə̀ 1.1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) dzə̀dzə̀ grandfather, grandfather's male sibling or cousin. 1.2) Jimi (Djibi) dzədzən Grand-père ; les enfants appellent leur grand-père "dzedza" comme lui aussi les appelle de la même façon. 1.3) Sharwa (Gravina) dʒidʒə grandpère 1.4) Tsuvan (Johnston) dzədze grand-père
2Proto-Daba *dzadzɨ ʸ grandfather grand-père 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) dʒedʒe grandparent grand-parent 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) dʒedʒi grandparent grand-parent
3Proto-Sukur *dzɨkʷɨ ʸ grandfather grand-père 3.1) Sukur (Thomas) dʒiku grand father:- father to your father or to your mother.
4Proto-Hurza *tsɨdza ʸ grandfather grand-père 4.1) Mbuko (Gravina) bidʒe grandfather grand-père 4.2) Vame (Kinnaird) tʃèdʒé grandfather ; grandad grand-parents
5Proto-Margi *tsɨdzɨ ʸ grandfather grand-père 5.1) Margi (Hoffman) tʃidʒi grandparent 5.2) Margi South (Harley) tʃidʒi grandparent 5.3) Kilba (Schuh) adʒi grandchild, grandparent
6Proto-Mandara *dɨdɨ ʸ grandfather grand-père 6.1) Mandara (Fluckiger) éggje grand-père, grand-mère, petit(s) fils/fille 6.1.1) Mandara (Fluckiger) eggjááje grand-parent (m)(fam.) 6.2) Malgwa (Löhr) əggje grandparents
7Proto-Lamang *dzidzi grandfather grand-père 7.1) Lamang (Wolff) dzidzi grandfather 7.2) Hdi (Bramlett) dzidzi grandfather le grand-père
8Proto-Higi *dzʲɨdzʲɨ grandfather grand-père 8.1) Bana (Lienhard) dʒìdʒì grand-père
dzɨgʷɨr n. hump bosse (10 groups, 18 languages) C
This root denotes the hump on a zebu cow, and is used by extension for a human hunchback. It is found almost exclusively in the languages of the North sub-branch. It may have come into Central Chadic from an old form of the Kanuri zugure, or the transmission may have been in the opposite direction. If the root did come from Kanuri, the back vowels were reanalysed as labialisation of the /g/. Given the widespread distribution of the root, and evidence that the early Central Chadic peoples were cattle-herders, it seems more probable that the root spread from Central Chadic to Kanuri, though the forms in Musgum and some of the Kotoko groups may be due to borrowing the more recent form of the Kanuri word. Two groups have *ɗ as the initial consonant, possibly reflecting the arrival of the same root but from a different source.
1Proto-Daba ɗɨgʷɨr ʸ hump bosse 1.1) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) ɗiᵑgir hump (of cow) bosse (de vache) 1.2) Gavar (Viljoen) ɗəᵑgur hump bosse 1.3) Buwal (Viljoen) ɗəgʷar hump bosse
2Proto-Tera ɗɨgʷɨl hump bosse 2.1) Nyimatli (Harley) ɗugul hump bosse
3Proto-Sukur *dzɨgʷɨɗ ʸ hump bosse 3.1) Sukur (David) dʒiguɗ hump, of cow 3.2) Sukur (Thomas) dʒiguɗ hump, a large lump at the back of animals, specially camel, cow
4Proto-Hurza *dzɨgʷar hump bosse 4.1) Mbuko (Gravina) mədzəgar cow hump bosse (f) d'un boeuf 4.2) Vame (Kinnaird) hʷádègʷàr hump of a cow bosse de boeuf
5Proto-Margi *dzikʷɨr ʸ, madagara hump bosse 5.1) Bura (Blench) madagara Stooped, hump-backed 5.1.1) Bura (Blench) madakara Stooped, hump-backed. See madagara 5.1.2) Bura (Blench) dʒukur Bump or hump of a cow 5.1.3) Bura (Blench) dʒikur Hump on cattle
6Proto-Mofu *madzɨgɨr, mɨtakʷar hump bosse 6.1) Moloko (Friesen) mətokor hump on an animal or person bosse d'un animal ou d'une personne 6.2) Zulgo (Haller) mádzə̀gə̀r bosse (f.) d'un animal 6.3) Gemzek (Sabatai) madzəgar hump (of hunchback) bosse 6.3.1) Gemzek (Sabatai) madzəgar bump (n) bosse 6.3.2) Gemzek (Sabatai) madzəgar hump (of cow) bosse (de vache) 6.4) Merey (Gravina) madzəgar hump (of hunchback) bosse 6.5) Mofu North (Barreteau) mádzə̀gàr bosse (de zébu)
7Proto-Kotoko North *sɨgʷɨre hump bosse 7.1) Mpade (Allison) súgùré hump (of cow) bosse (de vache) 7.2) Malgbe (Allison) sɨgbɨre hump (of cow) bosse (de vache) 7.2.1) Malgbe (Allison) sɨgbɨre hump (of hunchback) bosse
8Proto-Kotoko Centre *zɨrkʼʷa hump bosse 8.1) Lagwan (Allison) zurkʼʷa hump (of cow) bosse (de vache)
9Proto-Kotoko South *dzaŋkʷara hump bosse 9.1) Mazera (Allison) dʒaŋkʷara hump (of cow) bosse (de vache)
10Proto-Musgum *zɨgʷɨrij hump bosse 10.1) Mulwi (Tourneux) zugurii bosse de la vache
11Kanuri zúgùrè //// tsúgurē hump (of cow) bosse (de vache)
dzɨmɨkʷ ʸ nm. porcupine porc-épic (8 groups, 15 languages) B cf: tsɨhʷɨɗ ʸ.
This is the most widely-attested root for 'porcupine'. It may be an innovation in Proto-Central Chadic South, since it is found in at least four of the five groups within the South sub-branch of Central Chadic, and in few other languages. The final consonant is *n in the Daba group, and a glottal stop in the Bata group. The final consonant may be an historic noun suffix which is no longer productive. The *m is sporadically realised as /ᵐb/ in the Mafa, Mofu and Lamang groups. There is support for the palatalisation prosody from all groups except the isolated instances in Podoko and Mofu-Gudur. In Hdi it is frozen into the vowel system, and in the Higi group it is realised as a palatalised laminal consonant. The *dz has reflexes /d/, /z/ and /ts/. There is not enough data to identify these as regular changes in any of these groups, though Proto-Bata and Proto-Lamang have the related change *ts→t, and Proto-Higi has the analogous devoicing of *d to t.
1Proto-Bata *dɨmaʔa ʸ porcupine porc-épic 1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) də̀mə̀já porcupine 1.2) Sharwa (Gravina) dimaʼa porc-épic 1.3) Tsuvan (Johnston) dimaʼa le porc-épic
2Proto-Daba *zɨmɨn ʸ porcupine porc-épic 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) zəmeŋ porcupine porc-épic 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) ʒimɑm porcupine porc-épic 2.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) zeᵐbəŋ porcupine porc-épic 2.4) Daba (Lienhard) zàᵐbán le porc-épic
3Proto-Mafa *dɨᵐbakʷ ʸ porcupine porc-épic 3.1) Mafa (Barreteau) diᵐbek porc-épic 3.2) Cuvok (Gravina) dəᵐbekʷ porcupine porc-épic 3.2.1) Cuvok (Gravina) dəᵐbəkʷ por-épick
4Proto-Sukur *dzɨmɨk ʸ porcupine porc-épic 4.1) Sukur (David) dʒimək porcupine porc-épic 4.2) Sukur (Thomas) dʒimək porcupine; an animals covered with long stiff parts like needles which it can raise to protect itself when it is attacked. it usually live in a rocks.
5Proto-Mandara *dɨᵐbɨkɨ porcupine porc-épic 5.1) Podoko (Swackhammer) dɨ́ᵐbɨke,-ə porc-épic
6Proto-Mofu *damdzakʷ porcupine porc-épic 6.1) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) dám-jakʷ porc-épic sp.
7Proto-Lamang *diᵐbikʷ porcupine porc-épic 7.1) Hdi (Bramlett) diᵐbikʷ porcupine le porc-épic
8Proto-Higi *tsʲɨmɨkʷ porcupine porc-épic 8.1) Kirya (Blench) tʃìmə́hú porcupine porc-épic 8.2) Bana (Lienhard) tʃìmə́kə́ porc-épic
dzɨvaj n. tomb tombeau (6 groups, 13 languages) A
The word denotes the hole in which a body is buried, which may be a vertical hole leading to a small chamber and covered with a rock. The *dz has undergone the unestablished change to /ts/ in Daba and some Mofu group languages, and to /z/ in the Maroua group. The *j has been reanalysed as the palatalisation prosody in the Daba and Maroua groups, which is a common sporadic change. The range of use of the root implies an origin in the Mandara Mountains, and may reflect an ancient Daba-Mafa practice.
1Proto-Daba *tsɨvɨʔ ʸ grave tombeau 1.1) Daba (Lienhard) tʃìvīʼ la tombe
2Proto-Mafa *dzɨvaj grave tombeau 2.1) Mafa (Ndokobai) dzavaj tombeau 2.2) Cuvok (Gravina) dʒəvaj grave tombe, tombeau
3Proto-Hurza *dzɨvaj grave tombeau 3.1) Mbuko (Gravina) dʒəvaj tomb tombeau
4Proto-Mandara *dzɨvaj tomb tombeau 4.1) Matal (Branger) zəvaj grave tombe 4.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) dʒúve,-i tombeau
5Proto-Mofu *dzɨvaj tomb tombeau 5.1) Zulgo (Haller) dìve tombeau m. 5.2) Gemzek (Sabatai) dzəva la tombe 5.3) Merey (Gravina) tsəvaj tombe 5.4) Mofu North (Barreteau) ɗ[i tsə̀vàj tombe (cou) 5.5) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ́tsəvaj tombe
6Proto-Maroua *zɨvɨ ʸ grave tombeau 6.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) zivi tombe 6.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) zive grave tombe, tombeau
dzɨvɨ ʸ n. arm bras (4 groups, 14 languages) C syn: paɮa, hɨra.
This root is found in the south-west of the Central Chadic area. Evidence for the palatalisation prosody comes only from the Bata group. The *dz is realised as /ts/ or /t/ in the Bata group, and as /d/ or /r/ in the Mandara group. There is a regular change *d to /r/ within the Mandara group, but only in intervocalic position. The other changes are unestablished.
1Proto-Bata *tsɨvɨ ʸ arm bras 1.1) Bata (Boyd) tɨ̀fe hand 1.2) Gude (Hoskinson) tʃíinə (inher. poss., body part) hand, arm. 1.3) Jimi (Djibi) tʃijən Main ; c'est un mot qui sert aussi à montrer d'autres parties de la main : 1.4) Sharwa (Gravina) tivi bras, main 1.5) Tsuvan (Johnston) tʃəve la main, le bras
2Proto-Mandara *dɨva arm bras 2.1) Mandara (Fluckiger) érva bras (m), main (f) 2.2) Malgwa (Löhr) ərva hand 2.3) Glavda (Owens) də́ hand 2.3.1) Glavda (Nghagyiva) dɨ̀va arm 2.3.2) Glavda (Nghagyiva) dɨ̀va hand 2.4) Dghwede (Frick) dəva arm, hand
3Proto-Lamang *dzɨvɨw arm bras 3.1) Lamang (Wolff) dzə̀vò hand 3.2) Hdi (Bramlett) dzəvu hand la main
4Proto-Higi *dzɨvɨ arm bras 4.1) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) dziɓə hand 4.2) Psikye (Angelo) dzəvə hand 4.3) Bana (Lienhard) də̀və̀ main
dzɨwɨɗ ʸ nf/m fly mouche (17 groups, 44 languages) A
This well-attested root is found in all groups except for the Tera group. There is support for the palatalisation prosody across the reconstructions of the forms of the group proto-languages. In many cases there is the common change *ɗ to /j/ under palatalization. In Proto-Bata *ɗ has been reduced to *ʔ, and in Proto-Kotoko North it has fused with *dz to form the ejective *tsʼ. Both of these are common sporadic changes. The *dz is variously realised as /d/, /z/, /ts/. The changes in Proto-Margi, Proto-Musgum and Proto-Kotoko Centre are regular, but the rest are unestablished. The *w has been lost in Proto-Bata, Proto-Margi and Proto-Gidar, which is a common sporadic change.
1Proto-Bata *dzɨʔɨ ʸ fly mouche 1.1) Bata (Boyd) dʒitto fly 1.2) Gude (Hoskinson) dʒì ʼ í́lá cow fly. 1.3) Jimi (Djibi) dʒiʼin Mouche 1.4) Sharwa (Gravina) dʒiʼi mouche
2Proto-Daba *dzɨwɨɗ ʸ fly mouche 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) dʒedʒəweɗ fly (n) mouche 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) dʒiwiɗ fly (n) mouche 2.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) dʒidʒiwəɗ fly (n) mouche 2.4) Daba (Lienhard) tʃèdī la mouche
3Proto-Mafa *dzɨwaj fly mouche 3.1) Mafa (Barreteau) dzúwáj mouche
4Proto-Sukur *dzɨwɨɗ ʸ fly mouche 4.1) Sukur (David) dʒuwi fly mouche 4.2) Sukur (Thomas) dʒui fly;- general term for flies.
5Proto-Hurza *dzɨwaj fly mouche 5.1) Mbuko (Gravina) dzuwaj fly mouche 5.2) Vame (Kinnaird) dzùwàj fly mouche
6Proto-Margi tsɨɗɨ ʸ fly mouche 6.1) Margi (Hoffman) tʃiɗi fly mouche 6.2) Kilba (Schuh) tʃəɗi fly (n) mouche 6.3) Bura (Blench) tʃiri General name for the fly and bee group of insects mouche
7Proto-Mandara *ⁿdzɨwɨɗ ʸ fly mouche 7.1) Matal (Branger) zwaj, zəwaj, zuwaj fly mouche 7.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) ⁿdʒəwe,-ə mouche 7.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) ⁿdʒáŋʷá mouche (f), espèce (sens figuré) 7.4) Malgwa (Löhr) ⁿdʒəŋʷa fly mouche 7.5) Glavda (Owens) nğu fly mouche 7.5.1) Glavda (Nghagyiva) nd͡ʒùja fly (n) mouche
8Proto-Mofu *dzɨwaj fly mouche 8.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) zùwàj fly mouche 8.2) Muyang (Smith) ezʉwi house fly; fly mouche 8.2.1) Muyang (Smith) ezʉwi dummy opponent in a game adversaire imaginaire dans un jeu de société 8.3) Moloko (Friesen) dʒəwaj fly mouche 8.3.1) Moloko (Friesen) dʒəwaj 8.4) Zulgo (Haller) dzìwe mouche f. 8.5) Gemzek (Sabatai) dzuwe fly (n) mouche 8.6) Merey (Gravina) dzuwaj fly (n) mouche 8.7) Dugwor (Jubumna) dʒuwaj fly (n) mouche 8.8) Mofu North (Barreteau) dzùwáj mouche 8.9) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ́dʒadʒəwaj mouche (nom gén.)
9Proto-Maroua *dzɨdzɨwɨɗ ʸ fly mouche 9.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) dʒidʒiwiɗ(i) mouche 9.1.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) dʒidʒiwiɗ(i) abeille 9.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) dʒidʒiweɗ fly (n) mouche
10Proto-Lamang *ziwɗi fly mouche 10.1) Lamang (Wolff) ziɗi fly 10.2) Hdi (Bramlett) ziɗikʷ fly la mouche
11Proto-Higi *zʲɨwiɗ fly mouche 11.1) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) ʒiwi fly (insect); housefly mouche 11.2) Kirya (Blench) ʒéw housefly mouche 11.3) Bana (Lienhard) ʒíɓ(i) mouche
12Proto-Kotoko Island *hadzu fly mouche 12.1) Buduma (McKone) hâdʒu mouche.
13Proto-Kotoko North *tsʼɨwi fly mouche 13.1) Afade (Allison) tsɨwi fly (n) mouche 13.2) Maltam (Allison) sʼiwi fly (n) mouche
14Proto-Kotoko Centre *zɨwiɗ fly mouche 14.1) Lagwan (Allison) zu fly (n) mouche 14.2) Mser (Allison) msʼɨwi fly (n) mouche
15Proto-Kotoko South *dzadzwi fly mouche 15.1) Zina (Odden) dʒàdʒwì fly (n) mouche
16Proto-Musgum *dɨwaj fly mouche 16.1) Vulum (Tourneux) aduwaj mouche 16.2) Mbara (Tourneux) tuwaj fly (insect) mouche
17Proto-Gidar *zɨkɗa ʸ fly mouche 17.1) Gidar (Hungerford) zikɗe mouche 17.2) Gidar (Schuh) zikɗe/e mouche
dzɨwɨn ʸ nf. elephant éléphant (5 groups, 13 languages) A syn: ᵐbɨlala ʸ, gɨwɨn, nɨvi.
This root is one of several roots for elephant. It is possible cognate with *gɨwɨn, but the two roots would have developed along very different paths. The change *dz→ts in Proto-Margi and Proto-Higi is not known as a regular change, though Proto-Margi did have the change *z→s. There was a regular change *n→r in word-final position in the Margi-Mandara-Mofu major group. There is support for the palatalization prosody in all groups.
1Proto-Bata *dzɨwɨnɨ ʸ elephant éléphant 1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) tʃóonà -ə elephant 1.2) Jimi (Djibi) dʒuunən Eléphant
2Proto-Tera *dzɨwan ʸ elephant éléphant 2.1) Tera (Newman) dʒuwan elephant 2.2) Nyimatli (Harley) ʒuwan elephant 2.3) Gaʼanda (Gwaji) tʃhuwena elephant
3Proto-Sukur *dzɨwan ʸ elephant éléphant 3.1) Sukur (David) dʒuwan elephant 3.2) Sukur (Thomas) dʒiwan elephant; a large animal with thick grey skin, large ears, two curved teeth called tusk and long nose called trunk.
4Proto-Margi *tsɨwar ʸ elephant éléphant 4.1) Bura (Blench) tʃiwar The elephant 4.2) Margi (Hoffman) tʃuwar elephant 4.3) Margi South (Harley) tʃiwar elephant
5Proto-Higi *tsʲɨwɨn elephant éléphant 5.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) tʃhiwə elephant 5.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) tʃhiwe elephant 5.3) Kirya (Blench) tʃùúnə́ elephant 5.4) Bana (Lienhard) tʃìwə̀ éléphant