Search results for "ja"

bana v. to wash laver (13 groups, 34 languages) A
This root is unusual in that it contains *b. There was a general change from Proto-Chadic *b to *v in Proto-Central Chadic, but this root appears as an exception to this change. The change of the medial *n to /r/ in the Mandara and Mofu groups is a regular change in the Mandara group, but in the Mofu group the data from other roots is less consistent and the change is unestablished.
1Proto-Bata *binɨ wash laver 1.1) Jimi (Djibi) binən Se laver ;
2Proto-Daba *ban wash laver 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) bɑn bathe, wash oneself se laver, laver 2.1.1) Buwal (Viljoen) bɑn wash utensils laver la vaiselle 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) bɑn bathe, wash oneself se laver 2.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) baŋ wash (tr) laver 2.3.1) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) baŋ bathe (intr) se laver 2.4) Daba (Lienhard) pān se laver ; soulever
3Proto-Mafa *pana wash laver 3.1) Mafa (Barreteau) pán se laver 3.2) Cuvok (Gravina) pana wash clothes laver (habits) 3.2.1) Cuvok (Gravina) pana bathe (intr) se laver 3.2.2) Cuvok (Gravina) pana wash (tr) laver
4Proto-Sukur *banvɨ wash laver 4.1) Sukur (Thomas) banvə bathe:- to wash a body with water.
5Proto-Hurza *bana wash laver 5.1) Mbuko (Gravina) banaj wash laver 5.1.1) Mbuko (Gravina) banaj wash clothes faire le linge 5.1.2) Mbuko (Gravina) banaj wash oneself se laver 5.2) Vame (Kinnaird) bùnìjà 1 wash laver_(se) 5.2.1) Vame (Kinnaird) bùnìjà 2 wash laver 5.2.2) Vame (Kinnaird) bùnìjà 3 bathe baigner
6Proto-Mandara *bara wash laver 6.1) Matal (Branger) màpàlàj wash laver 6.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) pará 1 laver 6.3) Glavda (Nghagyiva) bárga bathe, wash oneself 6.3.1) Glavda (Nghagyiva) báɾga wash (clothes, utensils)
7Proto-Mofu *bara wash laver 7.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) bereŋ laver qqch 7.1.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) bēréŋ wash sthg laver 7.1.2) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) bereŋ anaŋ laver qqch 7.1.3) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) baraká laver; laver la saleté de... 7.1.4) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) bārāká laver de; laver la saleté de... 7.1.5) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) bāríjà wash(os) se laver 7.1.6) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) bēríjà se laver 7.1.7) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) baraha laver; laver (vaisselle, habit) 7.1.8) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) bāráhá laver ; s´éclairer 7.2) Muyang (Smith) bɑrɑbɑ wash_out laver quelque chose à l'intérieur 7.2.1) Muyang (Smith) bɑrɑfəŋ wash out a recpient laver les saletés d'un récipient 7.2.2) Muyang (Smith) bɑrɑj wash ; baptise laver; se laver; baptiser 7.3) Mada (Nkoumou) mabalafaŋa laver (habits, vaisselle) 7.3.1) Mada (Nkoumou) mábàlá se laver (baptiser) 7.4) Moloko (Friesen) balaj wash in general mot général pour laver 7.5) Zulgo (Haller) bara bara bo laver, nettoyer avec un liquide 7.5.1) Zulgo (Haller) bara laver, nettoyer avec un liquide 7.6) Gemzek (Sabatai) mebere laver 7.6.1) Gemzek (Sabatai) mebere ba bathe (intr) se laver 7.6.2) Gemzek (Sabatai) mebere peteke wash clothes laver (habits) 7.6.3) Gemzek (Sabatai) bara bara bo wash (tr) laver 7.6.4) Gemzek (Sabatai) bara wash (tr) laver 7.7) Merey (Gravina) bara bo bathe (intr) se laver 7.7.1) Merey (Gravina) bara wash clothes laver (habits) 7.8) Dugwor (Jubumna) məberej ba bathe (intr) se laver 7.8.1) Dugwor (Jubumna) məberej (zana) wash clothes laver (habits) 7.8.2) Dugwor (Jubumna) məberej (tasahaj) wash utensils laver (vaisselle, ustensiles) 7.8.3) Dugwor (Jubumna) məberej wash (tr) laver 7.9) Mofu North (Barreteau) mépə́réj laver 7.10) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) pər (se) laver, (se) baigner,
8Proto-Maroua *buna wash laver 8.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) bun laver, se laver, se baigner; laver le vêtement (bruit de lavage); laver 8.1.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) bun se purifier - grâce au rite de purification la femme a fait des rites pour avoir des enfants 8.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) bun wash (tr) laver 8.2.1) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) bun bathe (intr) se laver 8.2.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) buna wash clothes laver (habits) 8.3) Mbazla (Tourneux) ban laver
9Proto-Higi *pi wash laver 9.1) Psikye (Angelo) pe wash 9.2) Bana (Lienhard) pí se laver, se baigner
10Proto-Kotoko Island *benu wash laver 10.1) Buduma (McKone) benuə; bəan bathe (intr) se laver 10.2) Buduma (McKone) benu laver. 10.3) Buduma (McKone) benuə wash (tr) laver
11Proto-Kotoko North *ᵐban wash laver 11.1) Mpade (Allison) ᵐban bathe (intr) se laver 11.2) Malgbe (Allison) ᵐbari bathe (intr) se laver
12Proto-Kotoko Centre *ban wash laver 12.1) Lagwan (Allison) bɨ̀nì bathe (intr) se laver 12.2) Mser (Allison) ban bathe (intr) se laver
13Proto-Kotoko South *bana wash laver 13.1) Zina (Odden) bànà bathe (intr) se laver
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ɓɨwak num. two deux (5 groups, 14 languages) C syn: tsɨjɨw, sɨwra₁, kasi.
This is one of a number of roots for 'two' found in Central Chadic. The range of languages where this root is attested implies a reasonable age, but it is more likely that *sɨwra was the Proto-Central Chadic root. The *ɓ has become /b/ in several languages, and a labial-velar double plosive in a few others. These changes are unestablished. The double plosive may be due to the *w merging with *ɓ, which is a known sporadic process. In many cases the *w has been lost sporadically, but in Kamwe-Nkafa it has merged with the *ɓ resulting in /ɓʷ/.
1Proto-Bata *ɓɨjak two deux 1.1) Bata (Boyd) kpjáq two 1.2) Jimi (Djibi) biik Chiffre deux
2Proto-Daba *ɓɨk two deux 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) gbɑk two (2) deux (2) 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) gbɑk two (2) deux (2) 2.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) bək two (2) deux (2)
3Proto-Sukur *bak two deux 3.1) Sukur (David) bak two
4Proto-Mandara *bɨwa two deux 4.1) Mandara (Fluckiger) bua two deux 4.2) Malgwa (Löhr) buwa two 4.3) Glavda (Nghagyiva) bùːwa two (2)
5Proto-Higi *ɓɨwak two deux 5.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) ɓʷàgə́ Two 5.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) ɓakəo two 5.3) Kirya (Blench) ɓə̀kə̀ two 5.4) Psikye (Angelo) bák two 5.5) Bana (Lienhard) bák(ə) deux
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d v. to cook préparer (13 groups, 37 languages) A cf: tɨsaw, sɨwra₂.
This is the generic root for 'to cook'. The devoicing of *d to *t in the Margi and Higi groups is a regular change. The Malgwa root /gʲa/ is due to a regular general process where palatalised alveolar consonants become palatalised velar consonants.
1Proto-Daba *da cook préparer 1.1) Buwal (Viljoen) dɑ prepare (food to cook) préparer (la nourriture) 1.1.1) Buwal (Viljoen) dɑ cook (faire) cuire, cuisiner 1.1.2) Buwal (Viljoen) dɑ̄ wɛ́ⁿdʒɛ̀k bake (in ashes) cuire (dans les cendres) 1.2) Gavar (Viljoen) dɑ prepare (food to cook) préparer (la nourriture) 1.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) kəduda prepare (food to cook) préparer (la nourriture) 1.3.1) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) kəda bake (in ashes) cuire (dans les cendres) 1.4) Daba (Lienhard) tà préparer la nourriture ; éclater 1.4.1) Daba (Lienhard) tà s'emploie, si on répète les paroles d'un autre, à la fin de la citation
2Proto-Sukur *dɨ cook préparer 2.1) Sukur (David) də cook, to 2.2) Sukur (Thomas) də cooking; is the general term for cooking.
3Proto-Hurza *da cook préparer 3.1) Mbuko (Gravina) da cook préparer
4Proto-Margi *ta cook préparer 4.1) Bura (Blench) ta To cook (certain foods for first time) 4.1.1) Bura (Blench) ti To cook 4.2) Margi (Hoffman) ta to cook 4.3) Kilba (Schuh) ta/a cook (tuwo, miya etc.) 4.3.1) Kilba (Schuh) ta/a get done (food)
5Proto-Mandara *da cook préparer 5.1) Matal (Branger) mataj cook préparer 5.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) tá cuire 5.3) Malgwa (Löhr) gja cook 5.4) Glavda (Nghagyiva) tá káfa prepare (food to cook)
6Proto-Mofu *da cook préparer 6.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) dì prepare food préparer le manger 6.2) Muyang (Smith) di make, do, cook in a pot; sing préparer; chanter 6.3) Mada (Nkoumou) médè cuire (faire-, préparer de la nourriture), coucher (se-pour le soleil) 6.4) Moloko (Friesen) de cook préparer la nouriture 6.5) Zulgo (Haller) da cuire 6.5.1) Zulgo (Haller) de cuire 6.6) Gemzek (Sabatai) mede cook (v); prepare (food to cook) (faire) cuire, cuisiner; préparer (la nourriture) 6.7) Merey (Gravina) da prepare (food to cook); cook (v) préparer; préparer (la nourriture); (faire) cuire, cuisiner 6.8) Dugwor (Jubumna) madaj cook (v); prepare (food to cook) (faire) cuire, cuisiner; préparer (la nourriture) 6.9) Proto-Mofu Subgroup *t cook préparer 6.10) Mofu North (Barreteau) métēj (faire) cuire, préparer 6.11) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) t ́ (faire) cuire, préparer (un repas, un sacrifice) ; chauffer
7Proto-Maroua *di cook préparer 7.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) di préparer, cuire, cuisiner 7.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) di daf prepare (food to cook) préparer (la nourriture) 7.3) Mbazla (Tourneux) di préparer (nourriture)
8Proto-Lamang *da cook préparer 8.1) Lamang (Wolff) da cook
9Proto-Higi *ta cook préparer 9.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) ta cook 9.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) ta cook 9.3) Kirya (Blench) tà cook 9.4) Psikye (Angelo) také cook 9.5) Bana (Lienhard) tà cuire, préparer dans l'eau ou dans beaucoup d'huile
10Proto-Kotoko North *da cook préparer 10.1) Mpade (Allison) dá (lɨ) básù roast rôtir
11Proto-Kotoko South *udo cook préparer 11.1) Mazera (Allison) udo cook (v) (faire) cuire, cuisiner
12Proto-Musgum *di cook préparer 12.1) Mulwi (Tourneux) di cuire (une sauce) 12.2) Mbara (Tourneux) tii cook cuire
13Proto-Gidar *ɨda cook préparer 13.1) Gidar (Hungerford) ɨda, əda préparer, cuisiner, (faire) cuire
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daɣɨlɨj nf. young woman jeune fille (9 groups, 21 languages) B cf: dɨm ʸ.
This word denotes a girl or young woman who is old enough to marry but is not yet married. The presence of *l in this root indicates that it may have originated within the North sub-branch of Central Chadic. Proto-Central Chadic had no *l, but this phoneme was introduced into the North sub-branch by a regular change *r to l. However, the Daba, Mafa, Sukur and Hurza groups do not belong to the North sub-branch. It is possible that the root has been borrowed into these languages, since the languages where the root is present are those with strong contact with languages of the North sub-branch. The *ɣ has become /g/ in some languages in the Higi and Sukur groups, an unestablished change. It has become /h/ in many groups. In Proto-Mandara this is a regular change, but in the Mofu group the change is irregular. Elsewhere the change is unestablished. In some cases this /h/ has been deleted. The final *j has been reanalysed as the palatalisation prosody in the Mandara and Maroua groups, as consonant palatalisation in the Higi group, and as a vowel in the Sukur, Higi and Lamang groups. These are all common sporadic changes.
1Proto-Daba *dahalaj girl fille 1.1) Gavar (Viljoen) dɑhɑlɑj young woman jeune fille 1.2) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) dalaj young woman jeune fille
2Proto-Mafa *dahla girl fille 2.1) Cuvok (Gravina) dahla young woman jeune fille
3Proto-Sukur *dɨgɨli young woman jeune fille 3.1) Sukur (David) dəgəli girl, unmarried 3.2) Sukur (Thomas) dəgəli unmarried mature girl; is the general term for unmarried mature girl.
4Proto-Hurza *dalaj girl fille 4.1) Mbuko dalaj girl fille 4.2) Vame (Kinnaird) dìlè daughter fille
5Proto-Mandara *dahɨlɨ ʸ girl fille 5.1) Podoko (Swackhammer) də́həla,-ə jeune fille 5.2) Mandara (Fluckiger) gjáále jeune fille (f) 5.3) Malgwa (Löhr) gjaale girl, daughter 5.3.1) Malgwa (Löhr) gjala girls
6Proto-Mofu *dahɨlaj girl fille 6.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) dàŋgʷàlàj girl fille 6.2) Muyang (Smith) dɑhɑlɑj a marriageable girl fille à l'âge de se marier 6.3) Moloko (Friesen) dalaj girl fille 6.4) Merey (Gravina) dahəlaj young woman jeune fille,épouse 6.5) Gemzek (Sabatai) dahəlaj bride mariée 6.5.1) Gemzek (Sabatai) dahəlaj jeune fille 6.5.2) Gemzek (Sabatai) dahəla jeune fille 6.6) Dugwor (Jubumna) dahəlaj bride mariée
7Proto-Maroua *dɨlɨ ʸ girl fille 7.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) dijli jeune fille 7.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) dili daughter fille
8Proto-Higi *diɣɨlʲi girl fille 8.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) digəlji unmarriedgirl 8.1.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) digiljí young-girl 8.2) Bana (Lienhard) dàɣàlà jeune fille
9Proto-Lamang *daɣali girl fille 9.1) Lamang (Wolff) daɣele girl, young woman 9.2) Hdi (Bramlett) daɣali young woman la jeune fille
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daŋ nm. drum tambour (6 groups, 10 languages) (Technological Spread) cf: gaᵑga.
This word probably denotes an hour-glass shaped drum held under the armpit. It is most probably a root that has spread across languages with the introduction of this type of drum, with the source being somewhere in Nigeria.
1Proto-Bata *daŋɨ drum tambour 1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) dàŋá -ə small hourgrass shaped drum, H. Kalangu. 1.2) Jimi (Djibi) daŋən Petit tambour qui a la forme de X qui sert d'accompagnement pour les autres grands tambours.
2Proto-Tera *daᵑg drum tambour 2.1) Nyimatli (Harley) daᵑg talking drum
3Proto-Sukur *daŋ drum tambour 3.1) Sukur (David) daŋ drum 3.2) Sukur (Thomas) daŋ drum; a musical instrument made of a hollow round frame plastic or wood and skin strretched across one or both end. Your play it by hitting it with sticks or with your hands.
4Proto-Margi *daŋ drum tambour 4.1) Bura (Blench) daᵑg drum with two heads 4.2) Kilba (Schuh) daŋ drum (generic)
5Proto-Mandara *deŋʷɨ drum tambour 5.1) Podoko (Swackhammer) deŋú deŋʷé,-u tam-tam à l'aisselle
6Proto-Higi *daŋɨ ʸ drum tambour 6.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) dàᵑgjí Kind of drum. 6.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) djaᵑga talking drum 6.3) Bana (Lienhard) dáŋ tamtam sous le bras, peau de varan, esp. de petit
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dzagʷa nf. hat chapeau (10 groups, 21 languages) A
This root is found in almost all groups of the North sub-branch of Central Chadic, but in none of the groups of the South sub-branch. This is not known to be a borrowed root, and so may be a Central Chadic root, originating in Proto-Central Chadic North. The original type of hat could have been straw, cloth or leather. There is some variation between /gʷ/ and /kʷ/, and in the vocalisation patterns, and these changes are unestablished.
1Proto-Hurza *dzɨgʷa hat chapeau 1.1) Mbuko (Gravina) dʒugo hat chapeau 1.2) Vame (Kinnaird) dzúgē helmet bonnet
2Proto-Margi *dzakʷa hat chapeau 2.1) Bura (Blench) dzakʷa Hat; cap or soft hat
3Proto-Mandara *dzakʷɨ hat chapeau 3.1) Matal (Branger) dzakʷa hat chapeau 3.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) dzakʷa,-u chapeau 3.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) dzakʷé bonnet (m) 3.4) Glavda (Nghagyiva) d͡zákʷa hat
4Proto-Mofu *dzagʷɨ hat chapeau 4.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) dzàgù hat chapeau 4.2) Muyang (Smith) dʒɑku hat made of cloth chapeau 4.3) Moloko (Friesen) dʒogo hat chapeau; bonnet 4.4) Merey (Gravina) dzagʷa chapeau 4.4.1) Merey (Gravina) dzakʷa bonnet ou chapeau 4.5) Dugwor (Jubumna) dʒiggo hat chapeau 4.6) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) dʒikʷew bonnet
5Proto-Maroua *dzakʷɨ hat chapeau 5.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) dʒijku chapeau 5.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) dʒoko hat chapeau
6Proto-Lamang *dzɨgʷa hat chapeau 6.1) Lamang (Wolff) dzoŋo hat 6.2) Hdi (Bramlett) dzugʷa leather hat le chapeau de cuir
7Proto-Kotoko Island *ⁿdzakʷa hat chapeau 7.1) Buduma (McKone) ⁿdʒokʷa hat chapeau 7.2) Buduma (McKone) ⁿdʒokʷa bonnet (n : [njakwa]).
8Proto-Kotoko North *sagʷa hat chapeau 8.1) Mpade (Allison) ságʷá hat chapeau
9Proto-Kotoko South *dzakʷɨ hat chapeau 9.1) Zina (Odden) dʒàkú hat chapeau
10Proto-Musgum *zagaw hat chapeau 10.1) Vulum (Tourneux) zagaw bonnet
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dzɨdzɨ ʸ nm. grandfather grand-père (8 groups, 17 languages) A
The initial *dz has the reflex *ts in Proto-Hurza and Proto-Margi, which is an unestablished change in both cases. In Proto-Mandara both *dz have become *d, also an unestablished change. The palatalisation prosody is supported by the data from all the groups. In the Mandara group, the palatalisation prosody has effected the *d. This was followed by a regular change where palatalised alveolars become palatalised velars, resulting in *dʲ→gʲ. In Mbuko and Sukur, the reflex of the root is not reduplicated, but other material has been added.
1Proto-Bata *dzɨdzɨ ʸ grandfather gradn-père 1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) dzə̀dzə̀ 1.1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) dzə̀dzə̀ grandfather, grandfather's male sibling or cousin. 1.2) Jimi (Djibi) dzədzən Grand-père ; les enfants appellent leur grand-père "dzedza" comme lui aussi les appelle de la même façon. 1.3) Sharwa (Gravina) dʒidʒə grandpère 1.4) Tsuvan (Johnston) dzədze grand-père
2Proto-Daba *dzadzɨ ʸ grandfather grand-père 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) dʒedʒe grandparent grand-parent 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) dʒedʒi grandparent grand-parent
3Proto-Sukur *dzɨkʷɨ ʸ grandfather grand-père 3.1) Sukur (Thomas) dʒiku grand father:- father to your father or to your mother.
4Proto-Hurza *tsɨdza ʸ grandfather grand-père 4.1) Mbuko (Gravina) bidʒe grandfather grand-père 4.2) Vame (Kinnaird) tʃèdʒé grandfather ; grandad grand-parents
5Proto-Margi *tsɨdzɨ ʸ grandfather grand-père 5.1) Margi (Hoffman) tʃidʒi grandparent 5.2) Margi South (Harley) tʃidʒi grandparent 5.3) Kilba (Schuh) adʒi grandchild, grandparent
6Proto-Mandara *dɨdɨ ʸ grandfather grand-père 6.1) Mandara (Fluckiger) éggje grand-père, grand-mère, petit(s) fils/fille 6.1.1) Mandara (Fluckiger) eggjááje grand-parent (m)(fam.) 6.2) Malgwa (Löhr) əggje grandparents
7Proto-Lamang *dzidzi grandfather grand-père 7.1) Lamang (Wolff) dzidzi grandfather 7.2) Hdi (Bramlett) dzidzi grandfather le grand-père
8Proto-Higi *dzʲɨdzʲɨ grandfather grand-père 8.1) Bana (Lienhard) dʒìdʒì grand-père
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dzɨmɨkʷ ʸ nm. porcupine porc-épic (8 groups, 15 languages) B cf: tsɨhʷɨɗ ʸ.
This is the most widely-attested root for 'porcupine'. It may be an innovation in Proto-Central Chadic South, since it is found in at least four of the five groups within the South sub-branch of Central Chadic, and in few other languages. The final consonant is *n in the Daba group, and a glottal stop in the Bata group. The final consonant may be an historic noun suffix which is no longer productive. The *m is sporadically realised as /ᵐb/ in the Mafa, Mofu and Lamang groups. There is support for the palatalisation prosody from all groups except the isolated instances in Podoko and Mofu-Gudur. In Hdi it is frozen into the vowel system, and in the Higi group it is realised as a palatalised laminal consonant. The *dz has reflexes /d/, /z/ and /ts/. There is not enough data to identify these as regular changes in any of these groups, though Proto-Bata and Proto-Lamang have the related change *ts→t, and Proto-Higi has the analogous devoicing of *d to t.
1Proto-Bata *dɨmaʔa ʸ porcupine porc-épic 1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) də̀mə̀já porcupine 1.2) Sharwa (Gravina) dimaʼa porc-épic 1.3) Tsuvan (Johnston) dimaʼa le porc-épic
2Proto-Daba *zɨmɨn ʸ porcupine porc-épic 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) zəmeŋ porcupine porc-épic 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) ʒimɑm porcupine porc-épic 2.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) zeᵐbəŋ porcupine porc-épic 2.4) Daba (Lienhard) zàᵐbán le porc-épic
3Proto-Mafa *dɨᵐbakʷ ʸ porcupine porc-épic 3.1) Mafa (Barreteau) diᵐbek porc-épic 3.2) Cuvok (Gravina) dəᵐbekʷ porcupine porc-épic 3.2.1) Cuvok (Gravina) dəᵐbəkʷ por-épick
4Proto-Sukur *dzɨmɨk ʸ porcupine porc-épic 4.1) Sukur (David) dʒimək porcupine porc-épic 4.2) Sukur (Thomas) dʒimək porcupine; an animals covered with long stiff parts like needles which it can raise to protect itself when it is attacked. it usually live in a rocks.
5Proto-Mandara *dɨᵐbɨkɨ porcupine porc-épic 5.1) Podoko (Swackhammer) dɨ́ᵐbɨke,-ə porc-épic
6Proto-Mofu *damdzakʷ porcupine porc-épic 6.1) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) dám-jakʷ porc-épic sp.
7Proto-Lamang *diᵐbikʷ porcupine porc-épic 7.1) Hdi (Bramlett) diᵐbikʷ porcupine le porc-épic
8Proto-Higi *tsʲɨmɨkʷ porcupine porc-épic 8.1) Kirya (Blench) tʃìmə́hú porcupine porc-épic 8.2) Bana (Lienhard) tʃìmə́kə́ porc-épic
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dzɨwɨɗ ʸ nf/m fly mouche (17 groups, 44 languages) A
This well-attested root is found in all groups except for the Tera group. There is support for the palatalisation prosody across the reconstructions of the forms of the group proto-languages. In many cases there is the common change *ɗ to /j/ under palatalization. In Proto-Bata *ɗ has been reduced to *ʔ, and in Proto-Kotoko North it has fused with *dz to form the ejective *tsʼ. Both of these are common sporadic changes. The *dz is variously realised as /d/, /z/, /ts/. The changes in Proto-Margi, Proto-Musgum and Proto-Kotoko Centre are regular, but the rest are unestablished. The *w has been lost in Proto-Bata, Proto-Margi and Proto-Gidar, which is a common sporadic change.
1Proto-Bata *dzɨʔɨ ʸ fly mouche 1.1) Bata (Boyd) dʒitto fly 1.2) Gude (Hoskinson) dʒì ʼ í́lá cow fly. 1.3) Jimi (Djibi) dʒiʼin Mouche 1.4) Sharwa (Gravina) dʒiʼi mouche
2Proto-Daba *dzɨwɨɗ ʸ fly mouche 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) dʒedʒəweɗ fly (n) mouche 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) dʒiwiɗ fly (n) mouche 2.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) dʒidʒiwəɗ fly (n) mouche 2.4) Daba (Lienhard) tʃèdī la mouche
3Proto-Mafa *dzɨwaj fly mouche 3.1) Mafa (Barreteau) dzúwáj mouche
4Proto-Sukur *dzɨwɨɗ ʸ fly mouche 4.1) Sukur (David) dʒuwi fly mouche 4.2) Sukur (Thomas) dʒui fly;- general term for flies.
5Proto-Hurza *dzɨwaj fly mouche 5.1) Mbuko (Gravina) dzuwaj fly mouche 5.2) Vame (Kinnaird) dzùwàj fly mouche
6Proto-Margi tsɨɗɨ ʸ fly mouche 6.1) Margi (Hoffman) tʃiɗi fly mouche 6.2) Kilba (Schuh) tʃəɗi fly (n) mouche 6.3) Bura (Blench) tʃiri General name for the fly and bee group of insects mouche
7Proto-Mandara *ⁿdzɨwɨɗ ʸ fly mouche 7.1) Matal (Branger) zwaj, zəwaj, zuwaj fly mouche 7.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) ⁿdʒəwe,-ə mouche 7.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) ⁿdʒáŋʷá mouche (f), espèce (sens figuré) 7.4) Malgwa (Löhr) ⁿdʒəŋʷa fly mouche 7.5) Glavda (Owens) nğu fly mouche 7.5.1) Glavda (Nghagyiva) nd͡ʒùja fly (n) mouche
8Proto-Mofu *dzɨwaj fly mouche 8.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) zùwàj fly mouche 8.2) Muyang (Smith) ezʉwi house fly; fly mouche 8.2.1) Muyang (Smith) ezʉwi dummy opponent in a game adversaire imaginaire dans un jeu de société 8.3) Moloko (Friesen) dʒəwaj fly mouche 8.3.1) Moloko (Friesen) dʒəwaj 8.4) Zulgo (Haller) dzìwe mouche f. 8.5) Gemzek (Sabatai) dzuwe fly (n) mouche 8.6) Merey (Gravina) dzuwaj fly (n) mouche 8.7) Dugwor (Jubumna) dʒuwaj fly (n) mouche 8.8) Mofu North (Barreteau) dzùwáj mouche 8.9) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ́dʒadʒəwaj mouche (nom gén.)
9Proto-Maroua *dzɨdzɨwɨɗ ʸ fly mouche 9.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) dʒidʒiwiɗ(i) mouche 9.1.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) dʒidʒiwiɗ(i) abeille 9.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) dʒidʒiweɗ fly (n) mouche
10Proto-Lamang *ziwɗi fly mouche 10.1) Lamang (Wolff) ziɗi fly 10.2) Hdi (Bramlett) ziɗikʷ fly la mouche
11Proto-Higi *zʲɨwiɗ fly mouche 11.1) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) ʒiwi fly (insect); housefly mouche 11.2) Kirya (Blench) ʒéw housefly mouche 11.3) Bana (Lienhard) ʒíɓ(i) mouche
12Proto-Kotoko Island *hadzu fly mouche 12.1) Buduma (McKone) hâdʒu mouche.
13Proto-Kotoko North *tsʼɨwi fly mouche 13.1) Afade (Allison) tsɨwi fly (n) mouche 13.2) Maltam (Allison) sʼiwi fly (n) mouche
14Proto-Kotoko Centre *zɨwiɗ fly mouche 14.1) Lagwan (Allison) zu fly (n) mouche 14.2) Mser (Allison) msʼɨwi fly (n) mouche
15Proto-Kotoko South *dzadzwi fly mouche 15.1) Zina (Odden) dʒàdʒwì fly (n) mouche
16Proto-Musgum *dɨwaj fly mouche 16.1) Vulum (Tourneux) aduwaj mouche 16.2) Mbara (Tourneux) tuwaj fly (insect) mouche
17Proto-Gidar *zɨkɗa ʸ fly mouche 17.1) Gidar (Hungerford) zikɗe mouche 17.2) Gidar (Schuh) zikɗe/e mouche
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ɗawɨk n. goat chèvre (15 groups, 42 languages) C
This is a well-attested Proto-Central Chadic root. The evidence for the initial *ɗ is limited. It is only present in Mofu-Gudur and Cuvok. In Sukur and the Maroua group it has the reflex *ʔ, and in the Musgum group it has the reflex *j, both of which are unestablished changes. In Mafa it has fused with *w to become /ɓ/, a common sporadic process. In Podoko, Mandara and Malgwa, the loss of *ɗ has been compensated for by the addition of a prefixed /n/, which is a common sporadic process in these languages. In many groups the *w has fused with the *k to create *kʷ. The *k or the *kʷ has also changed to *hʷ in the Bata and Daba groups, *gʷ in the Lamang group and *ɣʷ in the Kotoko Centre group. None of these changes are established as regular changes.
1Proto-Bata *ɨhʷɨ goat chèvre 1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) ə̀hʷá - ə goat 1.2) Sharwa (Gravina) hʷə Chèvre 1.2.1) Sharwa (Gravina) hʷə chèvre 1.3) Tsuvan (Johnston) ahʷe le chèvre
2Proto-Daba *ŋhʷa goat chèvre 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) ŋhʷɑ goat chèvre 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) ŋhʷɑ goat chèvre
3Proto-Mafa *ɗawɨk goat chèvre 3.1) Mafa (Ndokobai) ɓakʷ, ɓakʷaj, ɓakʷij haj chevre 3.1.1) Mafa (Barreteau) ɓókʷ chèvre 3.2) Cuvok (Gravina) ɗakʷ goat chèvre
4Proto-Sukur *ʔɨjɨkʷ goat chèvre 4.1) Sukur (Thomas) ʼijuk goat; an animals with horns and a coat of hairs, that lives as demostic. 4.2) Sukur (David) ijukʼ goat
5Proto-Hurza *awak goat chèvre 5.1) Mbuko (Gravina) awak goat chèvre 5.2) Vame (Kinnaird) āwāk goat chèvre
6Proto-Margi *kʷi goat chèvre 6.1) Bura (Blench) kʷi Goat 6.2) Margi (Hoffman) ku goat 6.3) Kilba (Schuh) kʷa/ku goat
7Proto-Mandara *ɗawak goat chèvre 7.1) Matal (Branger) awak goat chèvre 7.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) nawá,-ə chèvre 7.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) náwime chèvre (f) 7.4) Malgwa (Löhr) nawe goat 7.5) Glavda (Owens) aag goat 7.5.1) Glavda (Nghagyiva) áːgʷa goat 7.5.2) Glavda (Owens) dwág goat
8Proto-Mofu *ɗawak goat chèvre 8.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) āwák goat chèvre 8.2) Muyang (Smith) ɑwɑk goat chèvre 8.3) Moloko (Friesen) awak goat chèvre 8.4) Zulgo (Haller) awak chèvre f. 8.4.1) Zulgo (Haller) awák chèvre f. 8.5) Gemzek (Sabatai) awak goat chèvre 8.5.1) Gemzek (Sabatai) awak goat chèvre 8.6) Merey (Gravina) wak goat chèvre 8.7) Dugwor (Jubumna) awak goat chèvre 8.8) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ɗakʷ goat chèvre (nom gén.), caprin
9Proto-Maroua *ʔawɨ goat chèvre 9.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) ʼaw chèvre 9.1.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) aw chèvre 9.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) aw goat chèvre 9.3) Mbazla (Tourneux) ʼawu chèvre 9.3.1) Mbazla (SILSurvey) áwūʼ goat chèvre
10Proto-Lamang *agʷɨ goat chèvre 10.1) Lamang (Wolff) ógò goat 10.2) Hdi (Bramlett) gu goat la chèvre
11Proto-Higi *kʷɨ goat chèvre 11.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) kʷə 1.goat.2.hearsay. 11.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) kʷo goat 11.3) Kirya (Blench) kù goat 11.4) Psikye (Angelo) kʷə goat 11.5) Bana (Lienhard) kʷə̀ chèvre
12Proto-Kotoko Centre *nɣʷa goat chèvre 12.1) Mser (Allison) nɣo goat chèvre
13Proto-Kotoko South *awa goat chèvre 13.1) Zina (Odden) àwà goat chèvre
14Proto-Musgum *jawak goat chèvre 14.1) Vulum (Tourneux) jek chèvre 14.2) Mbara (Tourneux) we he-goat bouc 14.3) Muskum (Tourneux) jaw chèvre
15Proto-Gidar *hawa goat chèvre 15.1) Gidar (Hungerford) hawa chèvre 15.2) Gidar (Schuh) hawa chèvre
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ɗiɬ nm. bone os (14 groups, 43 languages) B syn: kɨrakaɬ ʸ.
This widely-attested root is close to the root *ɗɨɬɨj 'egg', but the presence of *i in the root rather than a final *j makes a big difference to the reflexes in individual languages. The initial *ɗ is realised as *t in Proto-Mafa, Proto-Sukur, Proto-Mofu and Proto-Maroua, an unestablished change. It has been lost in many groups, triggering compensatory reduplication in the Mandara and Kotoko South groups, and in some Mofu group languages. It has fused with the *i in the Tera and Higi groups to create a palatalised glottal or a velar implosive. In the Kotoko North and South groups it has fused with the *ɬ to create an ejective. These fusion processes are common sporadic changes. The *ɬ is expected to have the reflex *ɮ in the groups of the South sub-branch, but for this root it is only the case in the Bata group. Within the Bata group there is a subsequent change *ɮ to *l. In the Margi group and in Mandara and Malgwa in the Mandara group, *ɬ has become palatalised by processes originating with *i, and *ɬʲ has then been velarised to /hʲ/ as part of a regular process. Regular processes give *ɬ the reflexes *s in the Proto-Kotoko South and Mser, /ʃ/ in Mpade and /h/ in Buduma. In Mser the /ʃ/ is due to the effect of the front vowel on *s.
1Proto-Bata *iɮɨ bone os 1.1) Bachama (Skinner) uule bone 1.2) Gude (Hoskinson) ìlá -ə bone. 1.3) Jimi (Djibi) ilən Os 1.4) Sharwa (Gravina) allə os 1.5) Tsuvan (Johnston) iɮe l'os
2Proto-Mafa *taɬ, ɬaɬar bone os 2.1) Mafa (Barreteau) táɬ os 2.2) Cuvok (Gravina) ɬaɬar bone os
3Proto-Tera *ɠɨɬi bone os 3.1) Tera (Newman) ɠəɬ bone 3.2) Nyimatli (Harley) qu̱ɬi bone 3.3) Gaʼanda (Gwaji) ela bone
4Proto-Sukur *taɬ bone os 4.1) Sukur (David) taɬ bone 4.2) Sukur (Thomas) taɬ bone; any of the hard parts that form the skeleton of the body of a human and an animal.
5Proto-Margi *ɗaɬɨ ʸ bone os 5.1) Bura (Blench) ɗjàhù Bone 5.2) Kilba (Schuh) ɗihji bone
6Proto-Mandara *ɬaɬi bone os 6.1) Matal (Branger) aɬaɬ bone os 6.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) ɬaɬa,-ə os 6.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) hjáhjé os (m) 6.4) Malgwa (Löhr) hjehje bone 6.5) Glavda (Owens) ła bone 6.5.1) Glavda (Nghagyiva) ɬàɬa bone 6.6) Dghwede (Frick) ɬaɬa bone
7Proto-Mofu *ɨtaɬ bone os 7.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) àɬàɬ bone os 7.2) Muyang (Smith) ɑɬɑt bone os 7.3) Mada (Nkoumou) aɬaɬ os 7.4) Zulgo (Haller) atáɬ os m. 7.5) Gemzek (Sabatai) ataɬ bone os 7.6) Merey (Gravina) mətaɬ bone os 7.7) Dugwor (Jubumna) mətaɬ bone os 7.8) Mofu North (Barreteau) ⁿdàɬ os
8Proto-Maroua *ataɬ ʸ bone os 8.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) teɬ(e), ateɬ(Mv), eteɬ (j) os, arrête 8.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) ateɬ bone os 8.3) Mbazla (Tourneux) ʼaʼaɬ os
9Proto-Higi *ʔʲiɬɨ bone os 9.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) ʼjithlə bone 9.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) iɬa bone 9.3) Kirya (Blench) íɬə́ bone 9.4) Bana (Lienhard) éɬêr os (pl.) 9.4.1) Bana (Lienhard) ʼjíɬə́ os
10Proto-Kotoko Island *ahaj bone os 10.1) Buduma (McKone) ahaj bone os
11Proto-Kotoko North *enslʼi bone os 11.1) Afade (Allison) enɬʼi bone os 11.2) Mpade (Allison) ènʃí bone os 11.3) Malgbe (Allison) enɬɨ bone os
12Proto-Kotoko Centre *eɬi bone os 12.1) Lagwan (Allison) aɬɨ bone os 12.2) Mser (Allison) enʃi bone os
13Proto-Kotoko South *asisʼɨ bone os 13.1) Zina (Odden) àsàsə̀ bone os 13.2) Mazera (Allison) asisʼe bone os
14Proto-Gidar *ɬaŋɬaŋ ʸ bone os 14.1) Gidar (Hungerford) ɬeŋɬeŋ os 14.2) Gidar (Schuh) ɬeᵑgɬeᵑg os
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ɗɨjɨkʷ n. bird oiseau (9 groups, 31 languages) A
This is the generic term for a small bird. The initial *ɗ is attested in most groups. In Sukur, Margi South, Kilba, Mandara, Margi and Bana the *ɗ and *j have fused to create /ʔʲ/, which is a common sporadic process. In the Tera group the *j has probably been reanalysed as the palatalisation prosody, and in Bura and Dghwede it has been reanalysed as a vowel. The labialisation on the *kʷ is reconstructed on the basis of its presence in the Margi group, with support from the Higi, Maroua and Mofu groups. The reason for the development of *ŋʷ in the Mofu group is unclear.
1Proto-Mafa *ɗɨjak bird oiseau 1.1) Mafa (Barreteau) ɗijak oiseau. nom gén. des petits oiseaux 1.2) Cuvok (Gravina) ɗijak bird oiseau
2Proto-Tera *ɗiki bird oiseau 2.1) Tera (Newman) ɗiki bird 2.2) Nyimatli (Harley) djika bird
3Proto-Sukur *ʔʲak bird oiseau 3.1) Sukur (David) ʼjak bird 3.2) Sukur (Thomas) ʼjak bird;- is a general term for flying birds.
4Proto-Margi *ɗɨjakʷ bird oiseau 4.1) Bura (Blench) ɗíká Bird 4.2) Margi (Hoffman) ʼikji bird 4.3) Margi South (Hoffman) ʼjagu bird 4.4) Kilba (Hoffman) ʼjagu bird 4.4.1) Kilba (Schuh) ʼjaku/ə bird
5Proto-Mandara *ɗɨjak bird oiseau 5.1) Matal (Branger) ɗəjaŋ, ɗijaŋ bird oiseau 5.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) ɗija,-a oiseau 5.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) ƴie oiseau (m) 5.4) Malgwa (Löhr) ɠjije bird gen. 5.5) Glavda (Nghagyiva) ɗìːka bird 5.5.1) Glavda (Owens) ďií bird 5.6) Dghwede (Frick) tʼiᵑge bird
6Proto-Mofu *ɗɨjɨŋʷ bird oiseau 6.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) āɗēŋʷ oiseau 6.2) Muyang (Smith) eɗiŋ bird (general word) oiseau (mot général) 6.3) Moloko (Friesen) eɗəjen bird oiseau 6.4) Zulgo (Haller) ɗijeŋ oiseau m. 6.5) Gemzek (Sabatai) dijiŋ bird oiseau 6.5.1) Gemzek (Sabatai) ɗijiŋ bird oiseau 6.6) Merey (Gravina) ɗijeŋ bird oiseau 6.7) Dugwor (Jubumna) ɗijeŋ bird oiseau 6.8) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ɗijaŋ oiseau (nom gén.)
7Proto-Maroua *ɗɨjɨw bird oiseau 7.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) ɗiju(w) oiseau (en général) 7.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) ɗijew bird oiseau 7.3) Mbazla (Tourneux) ɗijaw oiseau
8Proto-Lamang *ɗɨjak bird oiseau 8.1) Lamang (Wolff) ɗíjáká bird 8.2) Hdi (Bramlett) ɗijak bird l'oiseau
9Proto-Higi *ɗɨjɨkʷɨ bird oiseau 9.1) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) ijo bird 9.2) Kirya (Blench) íkə́ bird 9.3) Bana (Lienhard) ʼjìgʷù oiseau
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ɗɨjɨm nm. water eau (17 groups, 53 languages) A
The *ɗ is reconstructed on the evidence from the Bata, Tera, Hurza, Kotoko South and Musgum groups. In all of these groups there is evidence for a glottal element, in most cases [ʔ]. In the Tera group the *ɗ and *j have fused to form /ɗʲ/.
1Proto-Bata *maʔi water eau 1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) màʼínə water 1.2) Jimi (Djibi) maʼi Eau 1.3) Sharwa (Gravina) maʼi eau
2Proto-Daba *jɨm water eau 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) jɑm water eau 2.1.1) Buwal (Viljoen) jɑm colour couleur 2.1.2) Buwal (Viljoen) jɑm juice jus 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) jəm water eau 2.2.1) Gavar (Viljoen) jəm colour couleur 2.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) jim water eau 2.4) Daba (Lienhard) jə̄m l'eau
3Proto-Mafa *jam water eau 3.1) Mafa (Ndokobai) jam water eau 3.2) Cuvok (Gravina) jam water eau
4Proto-Tera *ɗʲɨm water eau 4.1) Tera (Newman) ƴim water 4.2) Nyimatli (Harley) ɗjim water 4.3) Hwana (Harley) āːmá water
5Proto-Sukur *jam water eau 5.1) Sukur (David) ijam water, rain 5.2) Sukur (Thomas) jam water
6Proto-Hurza *aʔam water eau 6.1) Mbuko (Gravina) aʼam water eau 6.2) Vame (Kinnaird) āhʷám water eau
7Proto-Margi *jimi water eau 7.1) Margi (Hoffman) ʼimi water 7.2) Margi South (Harley) imi water 7.3) Bura (Blench) jimi Water
8Proto-Mandara *jɨwɨ water eau 8.1) Matal (Branger) jːāw water eau 8.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) jəwá,-ə eau, jus 8.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) jawe eau (f) 8.4) Malgwa (Löhr) jawe water 8.5) Glavda (Nghagyiva) jùwa water 8.5.1) Glavda (Owens) íi water 8.5.2) Glavda (Owens) ju water, color 8.6) Dghwede (Frick) jiwe water
9Proto-Mofu *jam water eau 9.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) jàm water eau 9.2) Muyang (Smith) jam water ; colour ; interest l'eau; couleur; intérêt 9.3) Moloko (Friesen) jam water eau 9.4) Zulgo (Haller) jam eau f. 9.5) Gemzek (Sabatai) jam l' eau 9.6) Merey (Gravina) jam water eau 9.7) Dugwor (Jubumna) jam water eau 9.7.1) Dugwor (Jubumna) jam juice jus 9.8) Mofu North (Barreteau) jàm eau 9.9) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) jam water eau ; jus
10Proto-Maroua *jam water eau 10.1) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) jam water eau 10.2) Mbazla (Tourneux) jam eau
11Proto-Lamang *imi water eau 11.1) Lamang (Wolff) ímí water 11.2) Hdi (Bramlett) imi water l'eau
12Proto-Higi *jame water eau 12.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) jame water 12.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) jemji water 12.3) Kirya (Blench) jàmə́ water 12.4) Psikye (Angelo) jemú water 12.5) Bana (Lienhard) jàm eau
13Proto-Kotoko Island *amaj water eau 13.1) Buduma (McKone) amaj water eau
14Proto-Kotoko North *ame water eau 14.1) Afade (Allison) ame water eau 14.2) Mpade (Allison) àmé water eau 14.3) Malgbe (Allison) am water eau
15Proto-Kotoko Centre *am water eau 15.1) Lagwan (Allison) am water eau 15.2) Mser (Allison) am water eau
16Proto-Kotoko South *aʔɨm water eau 16.1) Zina (Odden) ámí water eau 16.2) Mazera (Allison) aʔɨm water eau
17Proto-Musgum *ʔɨjam water eau 17.1) Vulum (Tourneux) jem eau 17.2) Mbara (Tourneux) ʼam water 17.3) Muskum (Tourneux) jamu eau
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ɗɨɬ ʸ v. hatch éclore (5 groups, 6 languages) A cf: ɗɨɬɨj; cf: tsaɬ ʸ.
This root is related to *ɗɨɬɨj 'egg'. In Buwal and Cuvok, the palatalisation prosody has caused *ɗʲ to become *j.
1Proto-Daba *jaɬ hatch éclore 1.1) Buwal (Viljoen) jɑɬ hatch éclore 1.1.1) Buwal (Viljoen) jɑɬ produce produire
2Proto-Mafa *jɨɬa hatch éclore 2.1) Cuvok (Gravina) jiɬa hatch éclore
3Proto-Hurza ɗɨɬ ʸ hatch éclore 3.1) Mbuko (Gravina) ɗəɗeɬ hatch éclore 3.2) Vame (Kinnaird) ɗūɬíjā hatch éclore
4Proto-Mofu ɗɨɬ ʸ hatch éclore 4.1) Muyang (Smith) ɗiɬ hatch éclore
5Proto-Gidar *wɨdaɬa ʸ hatch éclore 5.1) Gidar (Hungerford) wədeɬe éclore
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ɗɨɬɨj nm. egg œuf (16 groups, 50 languages) A cf: ɗɨɬ ʸ.
This is one of the most widely attested roots that have been reconstructed. There is significant variety in the realisations, where we can see evidence of most of the significant processes that have taken place in Central Chadic. In the Daba and Musgum groups there has been metathesis of the *ɗ and the *ɬ, and in the Higi group there has been metathesis of the *ɬ and *j. Metathesis is common, but not predictable. In the Maroua and Musgum groups, the *ɗ has become *t, though this change has not been established as a regular change. In many groups the *ɗ has been lost, and this has triggered compensatory reduplication in the Mafa, Margi and Lamang groups, and compensatory prefixation in the Daba group. The final *j has been reanalysed as the palatalisation prosody in Proto-Daba, Proto-Margi and Proto-Maroua, and as a vowel in Proto-Bata, Proto-Kotoko South and Proto-Lamang. These processes are all common, but not predictable. The *ɬ has become *ɮ in the languages of the South sub-branch, i.e. Proto-Bata, Proto-Daba and Proto-Sukur, as part of a regular process, though not in the Mafa group. There is a subsequent regular change *ɮ to /l/ within the Bata group. In the Margi group and Glavda from the Mandara group, the *j or the palatalisation prosody has created *ɬʲ, which is then velarised as part of a regular sporadic process affecting palatalised alveolar consonants, resulting in /hʲ/. *ɬ is realised as /s/ in the Kotoko South group and Mser, and as /ʃ/ in Mpade, both of which are regular processes. The prenasalisation found in some of the Kotoko groups is a common sporadic process.
1Proto-Bata *ɗaɮi egg oeuf 1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) àlínə egg. 1.2) Jimi (Djibi) alin Oeuf 1.3) Sharwa (Gravina) alli oeuf, oeux 1.4) Bata (Boyd) ɗùùle egg
2Proto-Daba *naɮɨɗ ʸ egg oeuf 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) neɬe egg œuf 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) ɑnɬi egg œuf 2.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) miɬiɗ egg œuf 2.4) Daba (Lienhard) nèɮī ʼ l'oeuf
3Proto-Mafa *ɬaɬaj egg oeuf 3.1) Mafa (Ndokobai) ɬaɬaj oeuf 3.2) Cuvok (Gravina) ɬeɬej egg œuf
4Proto-Sukur *ɗaᵑgaɮaj egg oeuf 4.1) Sukur (David) ⁿdaŋaɮaj egg 4.2) Sukur (Thomas) ɗaᵑgaɮai egg
5Proto-Hurza *ɬaj egg oeuf 5.1) Mbuko (Gravina) ɬaj egg(s) oeuf, oeux 5.2) Vame (Kinnaird) ɮáj egg oeuf
6Proto-Margi *ɬɨɬɨ ʸ egg oeuf 6.1) Margi (Hoffman) ihji egg 6.2) Kilba (Schuh) hjihji egg(s) 6.3) Bura (Blench) hihi Egg
7Proto-Mandara *ɗɨɬɨja egg oeuf 7.1) Matal (Branger) ɬaɬaj egg oeuf 7.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) ɬɨɬe,-i oeuf 7.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) ɬájá oeuf (m) 7.4) Malgwa (Löhr) thlaja egg(s) 7.5) Glavda (Owens) çi egg, testes 7.5.1) Glavda (Nghagyiva) çìːja egg 7.6) Dghwede (Frick) ɬəɬe egg
8Proto-Mofu *ɗɨɬɨj egg oeuf 8.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) ɬàɬáj egg oeuf 8.2) Muyang (Smith) ejɬi egg oeuf 8.2.1) Muyang (Smith) ejɬi egg oeuf 8.3) Moloko (Friesen) eɬeɬeɗ egg oeuf 8.4) Zulgo (Haller) ɬèɬé oeuf m. 8.5) Gemzek (Sabatai) ɗəɬe egg œuf 8.6) Merey (Gravina) ɗəɬe egg œuf 8.6.1) Merey (Gravina) ɗəɬe egg œuf 8.7) Dugwor (Jubumna) aɬaj egg œuf 8.8) Mofu North (Barreteau) ɬéɬēɗ oeuf 8.9) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ɬeɬéɗ oeuf
9Proto-Maroua *ataɬ ʸ egg oeuf 9.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) teɬ(e), ateɬ(Mv), eteɬ (j) oeuf 9.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) ateɬ egg œuf 9.3) Mbazla (Tourneux) aɬaj œuf
10Proto-Lamang *ɬiɬi egg oeuf 10.1) Lamang (Wolff) ɬíɬí eggs 10.2) Hdi (Bramlett) ɬiɬik egg l'oeuf
11Proto-Higi *jɨɬɨ egg oeuf 11.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) ɬiɬə egg 11.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) jəɬe egg 11.3) Kirya (Blench) ɬìɬí kòntə́ká egg 11.4) Bana (Lienhard) ɬìɬì oeufs
12Proto-Kotoko North *enɬɨ egg oeuf 12.1) Afade (Allison) enɬo egg œuf 12.2) Mpade (Allison) ènʃó egg œuf 12.3) Malgbe (Allison) enɬɨ egg œuf
13Proto-Kotoko Centre *enɬɨ egg oeuf 13.1) Lagwan (Allison) nɬɨ egg œuf 13.2) Mser (Allison) ensɨ egg œuf
14Proto-Kotoko South *nsi egg oeuf 14.1) Zina (Odden) nsí egg œuf
15Proto-Musgum *ɮat ʸ egg oeuf 15.1) Vulum (Tourneux) eŋɮe oeuf 15.2) Mbara (Tourneux) ŋɮa egg 15.3) Muskum (Tourneux) ɮet oeuf
16Proto-Gidar *ɗaᵑgɮa ʸ egg oeuf 16.1) Gidar (Schuh) ɗeᵑgɮe/e oeuf 16.2) Gidar (Hungerford) ɗeŋle, ɗeŋleɗe oeuf, oeufs
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gʷavan nm. spitting cobra cobra cracheur (6 groups, 14 languages) A
This root is attested in the Mandara Mountains area. The labialisation of *gʷ has been reanalysed as the labialisation prosody in Proto-Daba and Proto-Maroua. The final *n is [ŋ] in almost all languages, most of which have this change as a regular feature. However in the Mofu group languages, word-final *n should have the reflex *r. This implies that the root has been borrowed into the Mofu group.
1Proto-Daba *gavan ʷ cobra cobra 1.1) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) ɡovoŋ spitting cobra cobra 1.2) Daba (Lienhard) gòvòm naja (espèce de serpent noir qui jette la salive)
2Proto-Mafa *gʷɨvan cobra cobra 2.1) Cuvok (Gravina) guvaŋ spitting cobra cobra
3Proto-Hurza *gʷavan cobra cobra 3.1) Mbuko (Gravina) gulguvon cobra cobra crachant 3.2) Vame (Kinnaird) gàvàŋ fìgè cobra cobra
4Proto-Mofu *gʷavaŋ cobra cobra 4.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) gàvàŋ serpent sp.; serpent gris foncé, long, vénimeux 4.2) Muyang (Smith) ɡɑvɑŋ Black-Necked Spitting Cobra, or any large snake cobra (ou tout grand serpent) 4.3) Zulgo (Haller) gàvàŋ serpent m. sp. 4.4) Gemzek (Sabatai) gavaŋ spitting cobra cobra 4.5) Dugwor (Jubumna) golgavan j fətaŋ spitting cobra cobra 4.6) Mofu North (Barreteau) gʷáváŋ serpent (nom gén.) 4.7) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) gʷávaŋʷ naja (serpent)
5Proto-Maroua *gavan ʷ cobra cobra 5.1) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) govon spitting cobra cobra
6Proto-Higi *gʷavaŋ cobra cobra 6.1) Bana (Lienhard) gʷávàŋ esp de serpent, noir, habite près des marigots, aggressif, mais sans vénin
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ɣaj nm. compound concession (12 groups, 28 languages) A rel. to: vɨn ʸ.
The basic meaning of this root is the entire compound, whilst *vɨn ʸ denotes a single building. The initial *ɣ also has the reflexes /g/ and /h/. The reflex /h/ is regular in Mandara, Malgwa, Muyang, Moloko and Proto-Kotoko North. The reflex /g/ is regular in the Meri sub-group of the Mofu group. In the Mofu subgroup the *ɣ is regularly lost. The *j is reanalysed as the palatalisation prosody in Proto-Daba, and is vocalised in Sukur, which are common sporadic processes. It combines with *a in Proto-Kotoko South, which is an unestablished change.
1Proto-Bata *hajɨ hut case 1.1) Sharwa (Gravina) hajə Maison
2Proto-Daba *ga ʸ hut case 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) ge house maison 2.2) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) ɡe house maison
3Proto-Mafa *gaj hut case 3.1) Mafa (Barreteau) gáj case, consession
4Proto-Sukur *ɣi hut case 4.1) Sukur (David) ɣí house 4.2) Sukur (Thomas) ɣəi home; the house that you live in, especially with your family.
5Proto-Hurza *aga hut case 5.1) Mbuko (Gravina) àga at_house_of chez
6Proto-Mandara *ɣaj hut case 6.1) Matal (Branger) gàj hut case 6.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) kaja,-ə 1 concession, case, maison 6.2.1) Podoko (Swackhammer) kaja,-ə 2 conteneur 6.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) há concession (f), maison (f) 6.4) Glavda (Nghagyiva) xàːwa entrance hut
7Proto-Mofu *ɣaj hut case 7.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) ɣàj house maison 7.2) Muyang (Smith) ɑhɑj maison, concession ; toute construction 7.2.1) Muyang (Smith) ɑhɑj class classe 7.3) Moloko (Friesen) háj house, compound maison; concession 7.4) Gemzek (Sabatai) ga house maison 7.5) Merey (Gravina) gaj hut case, maison 7.5.1) Merey (Gravina) gə maison 7.6) Dugwor (Jubumna) gaj house maison 7.6.1) Dugwor (Jubumna) gaj hut case 7.7) Mofu North (Barreteau) ʔáj maison (ensemble de case) 7.8) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) waj home maison, concession
8Proto-Maroua *gaj hut case 8.1) Mbazla (SILSurvey) gái house maison
9Proto-Higi *ɣaj hut case 9.1) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) ɣʷo house 9.2) Kirya (Blench) ɣàj house 9.3) Psikye (Angelo) ge house 9.4) Bana (Lienhard) ɣjì maison
10Proto-Kotoko North *ho hut case 10.1) Afade (Allison) ho house maison 10.2) Mpade (Allison) ho house maison 10.3) Malgbe (Allison) ha house maison
11Proto-Kotoko Centre *ɣaa hut case 11.1) Lagwan (Allison) ɣaa house maison
12Proto-Kotoko South *ɣe hut case 12.1) Mazera (Allison) ɣe hut case 12.1.1) Mazera (Allison) ɣe house maison
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ɣanaɗ ʸ nf. tongue langue (7 groups, 20 languages) syn: ɗɨrɨnɨh ʸ, naɬɨj.
This root is found mostly in the South sub-branch of Central Chadic, but is also found in the Lamang and Higi groups. The *ɣ is realised as *g in Proto-Bata, Proto-Daba and Proto-Margi, which are unestablished changes. The *ɗ is only retained in the Daba group. In the Sukur, Lamang and Higi groups it is affected by the palatalisation prosody and is realised as *j, which is a regular process. The palatalisation prosody itself is only retained in Proto-Bata. In Proto-Tera it is vocalised, which is an unestablished change.
1Proto-Bata *gana ʸ tongue langue 1.1) Jimi (Djibi) gianan La langue comme organe. 1.2) Sharwa (Gravina) gana langue 1.3) Tsuvan (Johnston) agana la langue
2Proto-Daba *ganaɗ tongue langue 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) gɑnɑnɑ tongue langue 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) gɑɗɑɗɑŋ tongue langue 2.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) ɡanaɗ tongue langue 2.3.1) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) ɡanaɗ language langue, langage 2.4) Daba (Lienhard) gànà la langue, le langage
3Proto-Tera *ɣina tongue langue 3.1) Tera (Newman) ɣena tongue 3.2) Nyimatli (Harley) ɣin tongue
4Proto-Sukur *ɣanaj tongue langue 4.1) Sukur (David) ɣanaj tongue 4.2) Sukur (Thomas) ɣanai tongue:- is the part in the mouth that moves around the mouth when talking or eating.
5Proto-Margi gar ʸ tongue langue 5.1) Bura (Blench) keᵑgjar Tongue 5.2) Margi (Hoffman) kjar tongue 5.3) Margi South (Harley) kjar tongue 5.4) Kilba (Schuh) kjar tongue
6Proto-Lamang *ɣanɨj tongue langue 6.1) Lamang (Wolff) ɣènè tongue 6.2) Hdi (Bramlett) ɣanik tongue la langue
7Proto-Higi *ɣanɨj tongue langue 7.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) annjə tongue 7.1.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) aniə tongue 7.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) ɣani tongue 7.3) Kirya (Blench) nɣànə́ tongue 7.4) Bana (Lienhard) ɣànì langue
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ɣɨn nm. head tête (8 groups, 31 languages) A syn: ɣʷɨ.
The final *n has undergone the regular change *n→r in the Margi-Mandara-Mofu major group. The Mafa /gəɗ/ has come from *gɨr, which implies that this reflex was borrowed from that major group. *ɣ has the reflex /g/ in several languages, which is a regular change in Dghwede and the Meri subgroup of the Mofu group. It developed into *k in Proto-Margi, probably via *h, though this change is unestablished. It has the regular reflex /h/ in Muyang, and has been lost in several languages, including the two Mofu subgroup languages where this change is regular. There are also instances of the reflex /j/ in Jimi, Cuvok, Mandara, Malgwa and Mbazla, but this change is unestablished. The Moloko and Giziga forms may represent compounds including the reflex of the proto-form.
1Proto-Bata *ɣɨnɨ head tête 1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) ná -ə (inher. poss., body part) head, top 1.2) Jimi (Djibi) jinən Tête 1.3) Sharwa (Gravina) ᵑgɨnə tête 1.4) Tsuvan (Johnston) əne la tête
2Proto-Mafa *jaŋ, gɨɗ head tête 2.1) Mafa (Ndokobai) gəɗ kəda tête de chien 2.2) Cuvok (Gravina) jaŋ head tête
3Proto-Margi *kir head tête 3.1) Bura (Blench) kir Head; the top 3.2) Margi (Hoffman) kər head 3.3) Margi South (Hoffman) kər head 3.3.1) Margi South (Harley) kər head 3.4) Kilba (Hoffman) kər head 3.4.1) Kilba (Schuh) kər head
4Proto-Mandara *ɣɨra head tête 4.1) Matal (Branger) gəl head tête 4.2) Mandara (Fluckiger) ira tête (f) 4.3) Malgwa (Löhr) iire head 4.4) Glavda (Nghagyiva) ʁɾa head 4.4.1) Glavda (Nghagyiva) ʁɾa head 4.4.2) Glavda (Owens) γr head, mind, intellect 4.5) Dghwede (Frick) gre head
5Proto-Mofu *ɣɨr head tête 5.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) ɣàr head tête 5.2) Muyang (Smith) ɑhɑ̀r tête, le dessus de quelque chose ; la personne même 5.3) Moloko (Friesen) dəraj head tête 5.4) Zulgo (Haller) gər tête f. 5.5) Gemzek (Sabatai) gər head tête 5.5.1) Gemzek (Sabatai) gar la tête 5.6) Merey (Gravina) gər head tête 5.7) Dugwor (Jubumna) gar head tête 5.8) Mofu North (Barreteau) ʔár tête 5.8.1) Mofu North (Barreteau) ʼar la tête 5.9) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) raj head (of person, animal, etc.), the top part of something tête 5.9.1) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) raj sommet, dessus, cime
6Proto-Maroua hɨrɨŋ, jɨŋ head tête 6.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) hirᵑga(Mt) hirᵑgaŋ(Mj) tête 6.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) huruŋ head tête 6.3) Mbazla (Tourneux) jiŋ tête
7Proto-Lamang *ɣɨŋ head tête 7.1) Lamang (Wolff) ɣàŋ head 7.2) Hdi (Bramlett) ɣəŋ head la tête
8Proto-Higi *ɣɨn head tête 8.1) Kirya (Blench) ɣə̀n head 8.2) Bana (Lienhard) ɣə̀n tête, sommet, cime
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ɣʷɨ nf. head tête (8 groups, 14 languages) B syn: ɣɨn.
This root is found in a diverse set of languages, and may reflect a primary Proto-Central Chadic root. Cognates are found in other branches of Chadic. The labialisation component of *ɣʷ is retained as vocalisation in Psikye, Buduma, Mser and the languages of the Kotoko North group. The velar component has reflexes /h/, /k/, /g/ and /ᵑg/. The final vowel becomes *a as a regular feature in many groups.
1Proto-Daba *ha head tête 1.1) Buwal (Viljoen) hɑ head tête 1.2) Gavar (Viljoen) hɑ head tête
2Proto-Sukur *kɨ head tête 2.1) Sukur (David) kə head 2.2) Sukur (Thomas) kə head; the part of the body on top of the neck containing the eyes, nose, mouth and brain.
3Proto-Hurza *ᵑga head tête 3.1) Mbuko (Gravina) ᵑga head tête 3.2) Vame (Kinnaird) ŋa tête 3.2.1) Vame (Kinnaird) ᵑgà head tête
4Proto-Higi *ɣʷɨ head tête 4.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) ɣə təmə ram head 4.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) ɣi head 4.3) Psikye (Angelo) gu head
5Proto-Kotoko Island *kʷɨ head tête 5.1) Buduma (McKone) kuə head tête 5.2) Buduma (McKone) ku tête.
6Proto-Kotoko North *gʷa head tête 6.1) Afade (Allison) go head tête 6.2) Mpade (Allison) gó head tête 6.2.1) Mpade (Allison) ko particle, head particule, tête
7Proto-Kotoko Centre *kʷa head tête 7.1) Lagwan (Allison) kaa head tête 7.2) Mser (Allison) ko head tête
8Proto-Gidar *kɨj head tête 8.1) Gidar (Hungerford) ki tête 8.2) Gidar (Schuh) kija/0 tête
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ɣʷɨɓis v. laugh rire (12 groups, 29 languages) C
This is a difficult root to reconstruct. The three consonants of the reconstructed form are found only in the Mandara and Lamang groups. In all other groups the *ɣʷ and *ɓ have interacted or been lost. *ɣʷ has been lost in Proto-Daba and Proto-Sukur, which is an unestablished change. In Podoko the labialisation component was retained and vocalised, and in Proto-Higi the labialisation component transferred onto *ɓ. Within the Higi group, *ɓʷ→ʔʷ in several languages, which is an unestablished change. There has been an unestablished change *ɓ→ᵐb, giving the forms in Mbuko, Moloko and Lamang. The sporadic change *ᵐb→m took place subsequently, giving the forms in Daba, Proto-Tera, Ouldeme, Vame and Gidar. The labialisation component of *ɣʷ combined with this in Proto-Bata, Vame and Proto-Margi. In another path, the *m combined with *ɣʷ to create *ᵑgʷ, giving the forms in Mafa, Merey and Dugwor. These examples of fusion are common sporadic processes. There is evidence for reconstructing *i from the Sukur, Margi and Higi groups.
1Proto-Bata *mʷɨs laugh rire 1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) nwusə laugh, laugh at, mock 1.2) Sharwa (Gravina) uʃi amʷɨskə Amusant,ante 1.3) Tsuvan (Johnston) a mʷeskən rire, sourire
2Proto-Daba *ɓas laugh rire 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) ɓɑs laugh rire 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) ɓɑs smile sourire 2.2.1) Gavar (Viljoen) ɓɑs laugh rire 2.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) ɓas laugh rire 2.4) Daba (Lienhard) mīs rire ; se moquer de...
3Proto-Mafa *ŋgʷas laugh rire 3.1) Mafa (Barreteau) ngʷás rire
4Proto-Tera *mɨs laugh rire 4.1) Tera (Newman) tʃi məsi laugh (do laughter) 4.2) Nyimatli (Harley) mu̱s laugh
5Proto-Sukur *ɓis laugh rire 5.1) Sukur (David) ɓis laugh, to 5.2) Sukur (Thomas) ɓis laugh; to make sounds and movements of your face that show you are happy or think something is funny.
6Proto-Hurza ᵐbɨsɨj laugh rire 6.1) Mbuko (Gravina) ᵐbasaj laugh rire 6.2) Vame (Kinnaird) mùʃ laugh rire 6.2.1) Vame (Kinnaird) mùʃìjà laugh ; laugh at ; mock moquer_(se)
7Proto-Margi *mʷisa laugh rire 7.1) Bura (Blench) kumʃi To smile, to laugh 7.1.1) Bura (Blench) muʃa, miʃa To smile; to begin to laugh
8Proto-Mandara *ɣʷɨɓasa laugh rire 8.1) Podoko (Swackhammer) uɓasa rire, sourire 8.2) Glavda (Nghagyiva) ʁùɓásᵊga laugh 8.3) Dghwede (Frick) gəpʼasa to laugh
9Proto-Mofu *ɣʷɨᵐbasa laugh rire 9.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) màsàj be contented ; laugh être content ; rire 9.2) Moloko (Friesen) ᵐbas smile sourire 9.2.1) Moloko (Friesen) ᵐbas laugh rire 9.3) Merey (Gravina) ŋgʷasa laugh rire 9.4) Dugwor (Jubumna) məngʷesej laugh rire
10Proto-Lamang *ɣʷɨɓas laugh rire 10.1) Lamang (Wolff) ɣəᵐboso laugh 10.2) Hdi (Bramlett) ɣuɓasaj to laugh, to mock rire, se moquer 10.2.1) Hdi (Bramlett) ɣuɓasu laugh le rire
11Proto-Higi *ɓʷɨsi laugh rire 11.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) ʼuʃí laugh 11.1.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) ùʃí Laugh 11.1.2) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) uʃi laugh 11.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) uʃi laugh 11.3) Kirya (Blench) ɓʷìʃí to laugh 11.4) Psikye (Angelo) ʼwuʃí laugh 11.4.1) Psikye (Angelo) ŋʼwuʃí laugh 11.5) Bana (Lienhard) ʼwə́ʃí rire, sourire, vaincre
12Proto-Gidar *ɨmasa laugh rire 12.1) Gidar (Hungerford) əmasa rire
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ɣʷɨpa nf. flour farine (12 groups, 36 languages) B
In Proto-Central Chadic, *p had the allophone [p] in word-medial position. However, in Proto-Daba and Proto-Mafa we find *f, which is unestablished. *p has become /ᵐb/ in Vame and the Tokombere subgroup of the Mofu group, which is also an unestablished change. *ɣʷ has the usual wide range of reflexes, and in some cases has been lost. In Sukur and Proto-Margi the labialisation component has transferred onto *p, which is a common sporadic process.
1Proto-Bata *hʷɨpɨ flour farine 1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) ə̀mpúnə flour (from any grain) 1.2) Jimi (Djibi) pun Farine 1.3) Sharwa (Gravina) pʷə farine 1.4) Tsuvan (Johnston) ahpʷe la farine
2Proto-Daba *ŋfa flour farine 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) ŋfɑ flour farine 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) ŋfɑ flour farine 2.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) n̩fa flour farine
3Proto-Mafa *gʷɨfa flour farine 3.1) Mafa (Barreteau) gúfá farine 3.2) Cuvok (Gravina) kəfa flour farine
4Proto-Sukur *pʷa flour farine 4.1) Sukur (David) powa flour, millet 4.2) Sukur (Thomas) pʷa flour; a fine white or brown powder made from grain, especially guineacorn, maize, etc.
5Proto-Hurza *hɨᵐbɨga flour farine 5.1) Vame (Kinnaird) hə̀ᵐbə̀gà flour farine
6Proto-Margi *ɨpʷɨ flour farine 6.1) Bura (Blench) mpʷa Flour, meal 6.2) Margi (Hoffman) əmpu flour 6.3) Margi South (Hoffman) upau flour 6.4) Kilba (Hoffman) upʷa flour 6.4.1) Kilba (Schuh) upʷa/up flour
7Proto-Mandara *kʷɨpɨ flour farine 7.1) Matal (Branger) phaw flour farine 7.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) pəhʷa,-u farine 7.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) úkpé farine (f) 7.4) Malgwa (Löhr) ukpa flour 7.5) Glavda (Owens) ax guinea corn flour 7.5.1) Glavda (Nghagyiva) àxʷpíja flour
8Proto-Mofu *ɣʷɨpa flour farine 8.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) hūᵐbò flour farine 8.2) Muyang (Smith) huᵐbu flour farine 8.3) Moloko (Friesen) hoᵐbo farine 8.3.1) Moloko (Friesen) həᵐbo flour farine 8.4) Proto-Meri *gʷɨfa flour farine 8.5) Zulgo (Haller) gùfá farine f. 8.6) Gemzek (Sabatai) gufa flour farine 8.7) Merey (Gravina) gufo flour farine 8.8) Dugwor (Jubumna) gufo flour farine 8.9) Mofu North (Barreteau) hápà farine 8.10) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) hapa flour farine
9Proto-Maroua *hapa flour farine 9.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) hapa farine 9.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) hapa flour farine
10Proto-Lamang *hʷɨpaw flour farine 10.1) Lamang (Wolff) hʷpo flour 10.2) Hdi (Bramlett) hupu flour la farine
11Proto-Higi *ɣʷɨpɨ flour farine 11.1) Kirya (Blench) ɣùpə́ flour 11.2) Bana (Lienhard) ɣʷə̀pə̀ farine
12Proto-Gidar *gɨpa flour farine 12.1) Gidar (Hungerford) gɨɨpa farine
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hadaj n. eye œil (14 groups, 37 languages) B syn: tsɨ ʸ.
The initial *h in this root is retained in Proto-Daba, Proto-Mofu and Proto-Gidar. In several groups, the presence of an initial vowel indicates that an initial consonant has been lost, giving support to the reconstruction of *h. There was a regular change *d→r in intervocalic position in the North sub-branch. There are two exceptions: Proto-Daba has *r although it is in the South sub-branch, and Proto-Mandara has *d where we would expect *r. There is a subsequent regular change *r→l in Proto-Margi, Moloko and Buduma, and an unestablished change *r→ɗ in Mbuko. There was also the unestablished change *d→t in Proto-Tera. In many cases the final *j has been vocalised, a common sporadic process.
1Proto-Bata *dɨj eye oeil 1.1) Bata (Boyd) dìto eye 1.2) Sharwa (Gravina) di oeil, yeux 1.2.1) Sharwa (Gravina) di visage 1.3) Tsuvan (Johnston) adəŋ les yeux
2Proto-Daba *hɨrɨj eye oeil 2.1) Daba (Lienhard) hə̀rāʼ les yeux 2.2) MazagwayHidi (Noussi) rija oeil
3Proto-Mafa *daj eye oeil 3.1) Mafa (Barreteau) daj oeil 3.2) Cuvok (Gravina) ⁿdej face visage 3.2.1) Cuvok (Gravina) ⁿdej eye œil
4Proto-Tera *jɨtɨ eye oeil 4.1) Tera (Newman) jitə eye 4.2) Nyimatli (Harley) jiti eye
5Proto-Hurza *araj eye oeil 5.1) Mbuko (Gravina) iɗe eye oeil, yeux 5.1.1) Mbuko (Gravina) iɗe face visage 5.2) Vame (Kinnaird) āráj eye oeil
6Proto-Margi *li eye oeil 6.1) Margi (Hoffman) li eye 6.2) Margi South (Harley) li eye 6.3) Kilba (Schuh) li eye
7Proto-Mandara *di eye oeil 7.1) Matal (Branger) jawdi, jewdi, jewdəj eye oeil 7.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) de,-i oeil 7.3) Dghwede (Frick) ⁿde eye
8Proto-Mofu *haraj eye oeil 8.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) ārāj eye oeil; oeil ; vision 8.2) Muyang (Smith) eri eye ; face ; share ; miserly œil; les yeux; visage; part 8.3) Mada (Nkoumou) èrè oeil 8.4) Moloko (Friesen) ele eye oeil 8.5) Zulgo (Haller) aré oeil m., yeux m.pl. 8.5.1) Zulgo (Haller) are oeil m., yeux m.pl. 8.6) Gemzek (Sabatai) ere eye œil 8.7) Merey (Gravina) ɗəre eye œil 8.8) Dugwor (Jubumna) re eye œil 8.9) Proto-Mofu Subgroup *daj ʸ eye oeil 8.10) Mofu North (Barreteau) dej eye oeil 8.11) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) dej eye oeil ; vue 8.11.1) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) dej face, likeness figure, visage
9Proto-Maroua *araj eye oeil 9.1) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) re eye œil 9.2) Mbazla (Tourneux) ʼaraj yeux, œil 9.2.1) Mbazla (SILSurvey) àráj eye oeil
10Proto-Lamang *iri eye oeil 10.1) Lamang (Wolff) ílí eye 10.1.1) Lamang (Wolff) íl eyes 10.2) Hdi (Bramlett) iri eye l'oeil
11Proto-Kotoko Island *jɨl eye oeil 11.1) Buduma (McKone) jəl oeil, yeux.
12Proto-Kotoko South *are eye oeil 12.1) Zina (Odden) ìrì eye œil 12.2) Mazera (Allison) ade eye œil
13Proto-Musgum *araj eye oeil 13.1) Vulum (Tourneux) araj yeux 13.2) Mbara (Tourneux) ree eyes yeux 13.2.1) Mbara (Tourneux) ree face
14Proto-Gidar *hara eye oeil 14.1) Gidar (Schuh) hara/a oeil 14.2) Gidar (Hungerford) hara oeil
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haɗikʷ nm. grasshopper sauterelle (11 groups, 32 languages) B cf: dzaraj.
This root is difficult to reconstruct. The initial *h is retained in most groups, but was lost in Proto-Mafa and many individual languages, which is a common sporadic process. The *ɗ is retained only in Gidar. In many groups it has fused with the *i to become *j, and this *j triggered the creation of the palatalisation prosody in several languages in the Mofu group. These are both sporadic processes. However, in Hdi *ɗ has the reflex /ʔ/ and in Kilba /ʔʲ/. These are unestablished changes. The final *kʷ has been lost in several groups. In Proto-Bata, Proto-Margi and Proto-Mandara it has become *w, and this change also led to the creation of *o in Mpade. In Proto-Daba the labialisation component became *w and replaced the lost *h. In the Maroua group the labialisation component was reanalysed as the labialisation prosody. In the Higi group, *i and *k fused to create /gʲ/. In Bata, the *k fused with *ɗ to create /q/. All these processes are known sporadic processes.
1Proto-Bata *aɗikʷ grasshopper sauterelle 1.1) Bata (Boyd) qaawe locust criquet 1.2) Gude (Hoskinson) ájìwá grasshopper
2Proto-Daba *wajak grasshopper sauterelle 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) wɑjɑk grasshopper sauterelle 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) wɑjɑk grasshopper sauterelle 2.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) wajak grasshopper sauterelle 2.4) Daba (Lienhard) wàjə̄pʼ le criquet
3Proto-Mafa *jakʷ grasshopper sauterelle 3.1) Cuvok (Gravina) jakʷ grasshopper sauterelle
4Proto-Margi *haɗiw grasshopper sauterelle 4.1) Bura (Blench) hauwa Locust sp. 4.2) Kilba (Schuh) haʼji locust criquet
5Proto-Mandara *hɨjɨwɨ grasshopper sauterelle 5.1) Matal (Branger) hajaw locust locuste, criquet 5.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) hijawa,-ə sauterelle 5.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) íwa criquet (m) 5.4) Malgwa (Löhr) iiwe locust gen. criquet
6Proto-Mofu *hajakʷ grasshopper sauterelle 6.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) àwàjàk cricket criquet 6.2) Muyang (Smith) ejew generic term for grashopper criquet (mot générique) 6.3) Mada (Nkoumou) ájàw màdàlá criquet (sp.) 6.4) Moloko (Friesen) hejew cricket, generic name criquet; nom_geàneàral 6.5) Zulgo (Haller) hájaw sauterelle f. sp. 6.6) Gemzek (Sabatai) hejew grasshopper sauterelle 6.7) Merey (Gravina) hejew grasshopper sauterelle, criquet 6.7.1) Merey (Gravina) hejew grasshopper sauterelle, criquet 6.8) Dugwor (Jubumna) hʷejek locust locuste, criquet 6.8.1) Dugwor (Jubumna) hʷejek grasshopper sauterelle 6.9) Mofu North (Barreteau) hʷàjákʷ sauterelle (nom g;-en.) 6.10) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ajakʷ sauterelle, criquet (nom générique) ; (par ext.) insecte
7Proto-Maroua *hajak ʷ grasshopper sauterelle 7.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) juk(u) sauterelle (générique), criquet 7.1.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) juk(u) grosse sauterelle 7.1.2) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) juk(u) petite sauterelle noire 7.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) hojok grasshopper sauterelle 7.2.1) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) hojok locust locuste, criquet
8Proto-Lamang *hiʔi grasshopper sauterelle 8.1) Hdi (Bramlett) hiʼi grasshopper le criquet, la sauterelle
9Proto-Higi *haɗik grasshopper sauterelle 9.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) hagjí grasshopper 9.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) hagi grasshopper 9.3) Kirya (Blench) hàjí grasshopper 9.4) Bana (Lienhard) xàj sauterelle
10Proto-Kotoko North *hajaw grasshopper sauterelle 10.1) Mpade (Allison) hàjó grasshopper criquet 10.1.1) Mpade (Allison) gajo grasshopper sauterelle
11Proto-Gidar *hajɗaŋ ʸ grasshopper sauterelle 11.1) Gidar (Hungerford) heejɗeŋ locuste (migrateur), sauterelle, criquet 11.2) Gidar (Hungerford) hejdeŋ sauterelle 11.3) Gidar (Hungerford) hejɗeŋ criquet, sauterelle
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hajaɣ n. ground squirrel écureuil (8 groups, 20 languages) C
This root is primarily found in the languages of the North sub-branch, but is also found in the Hurza group. The initial *h is retained in Proto-Mofu, and implied by the abnormal initial vowels in Proto-Hurza, Proto-Mandara, Proto-Maroua and Proto-Kotoko South, and the (compensatory) reduplication in Proto-Musgum. The *ɣ is retained in Glavda and Lamang. It has the reflex /g/ in Mpade, /h/ in the Hurza group, Mazera and Moloko, which borrowed the root from Mbuko. *ŋ is the reflex of *ɣ in Proto-Mofu, which was borrowed by Matal. The reflex *w in the Giziga languages is less natural, and may imply that *ɣ was labialised. None of these changes are established regular changes. The *j has triggered the creation of the palatalisation in some Mofu group languages, which is a common sporadic process.
1Proto-Hurza *ajah squirrrel écureuil 1.1) Mbuko (Gravina) ajah squirrel écureuil 1.1.1) Mbuko (Gravina) wananajah squirrel écureuil 1.2) Vame (Kinnaird) ājáh squirrel écureuil
2Proto-Mandara *ajaɣ squirrel écureuil 2.1) Matal (Branger) hājàŋ squirrel écureuil 2.2) Mandara (Fluckiger) jàjè écureuil (m) 2.3) Malgwa (Löhr) jeje squirrel écureuil 2.4) Glavda (Nghagyiva) ájàʁájàʁa squirrel écureuil 2.4.1) Glavda (Owens) ajaγája squirrel écureuil
3Proto-Mofu *hajaŋ squirrel écureuil 3.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) àjèŋ squirrel écureuil 3.2) Muyang (Smith) ejeŋ Striped ground squirrel Ecureuil fouisseur (écureuil de terre) 3.3) Moloko (Friesen) ajah squirrel écureuil 3.4) Zulgo (Haller) híjéŋ écureuil (m.) de terre 3.5) Gemzek (Sabatai) hijeŋ squirrel écureuil 3.6) Merey (Gravina) hijeŋ palm rat rat de palme 3.6.1) Merey (Gravina) hijeŋ écureuil 3.7) Dugwor (Jubumna) hijaŋ palm rat rat de palme 3.7.1) Dugwor (Jubumna) hijaŋ squirrel écureuil 3.8) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ajaŋ squirrel écureuil terrestre ou "Rat palmiste" 3.8.1) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ajaŋ aŋgʷa l'écureuil qui habite sur les rochers 3.8.2) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ajaŋ ᵑga palah l'écureuil qui habite sur la plaine
4Proto-Maroua *ajaw squirrel écureuil 4.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) jaw, ajaw écureuil, scyurus 4.1.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) jaw, ajaw écureuil, scyurus, un enfant né très petit, ou nim donné par un devin, ou surnom donné à un enfant qui commence à marcher très petit - On tourne l'enfant autour de la termitière pour qu'il grassit, surnom d'un enfant maigre 4.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) ajew palm rat rat de palme 4.2.1) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) ajew squirrel écureuil
5Proto-Lamang *jaɣe squirrel écureuil 5.1) Lamang (Wolff) jáɣ squirrel 5.1.1) Lamang (Wolff) jáɣè ground squirrel
6Proto-Kotoko North *jaga squirrel écureuil 6.1) Mpade (Allison) jágà flying squirrel écureil volant
7Proto-Kotoko South *ajahe squirrel écureuil 7.1) Mazera (Allison) ajahe squirrel écureuil
8Proto-Musgum *jaja squirrel écureuil 8.1) Mbara (Tourneux) jaja squirrel écureuil
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