Search results for "ⁿda"

ɗiɬ nm. bone os (14 groups, 43 languages) B syn: kɨrakaɬ ʸ.
This widely-attested root is close to the root *ɗɨɬɨj 'egg', but the presence of *i in the root rather than a final *j makes a big difference to the reflexes in individual languages. The initial *ɗ is realised as *t in Proto-Mafa, Proto-Sukur, Proto-Mofu and Proto-Maroua, an unestablished change. It has been lost in many groups, triggering compensatory reduplication in the Mandara and Kotoko South groups, and in some Mofu group languages. It has fused with the *i in the Tera and Higi groups to create a palatalised glottal or a velar implosive. In the Kotoko North and South groups it has fused with the *ɬ to create an ejective. These fusion processes are common sporadic changes. The *ɬ is expected to have the reflex *ɮ in the groups of the South sub-branch, but for this root it is only the case in the Bata group. Within the Bata group there is a subsequent change *ɮ to *l. In the Margi group and in Mandara and Malgwa in the Mandara group, *ɬ has become palatalised by processes originating with *i, and *ɬʲ has then been velarised to /hʲ/ as part of a regular process. Regular processes give *ɬ the reflexes *s in the Proto-Kotoko South and Mser, /ʃ/ in Mpade and /h/ in Buduma. In Mser the /ʃ/ is due to the effect of the front vowel on *s.
1Proto-Bata *iɮɨ bone os 1.1) Bachama (Skinner) uule bone 1.2) Gude (Hoskinson) ìlá -ə bone. 1.3) Jimi (Djibi) ilən Os 1.4) Sharwa (Gravina) allə os 1.5) Tsuvan (Johnston) iɮe l'os
2Proto-Mafa *taɬ, ɬaɬar bone os 2.1) Mafa (Barreteau) táɬ os 2.2) Cuvok (Gravina) ɬaɬar bone os
3Proto-Tera *ɠɨɬi bone os 3.1) Tera (Newman) ɠəɬ bone 3.2) Nyimatli (Harley) qu̱ɬi bone 3.3) Gaʼanda (Gwaji) ela bone
4Proto-Sukur *taɬ bone os 4.1) Sukur (David) taɬ bone 4.2) Sukur (Thomas) taɬ bone; any of the hard parts that form the skeleton of the body of a human and an animal.
5Proto-Margi *ɗaɬɨ ʸ bone os 5.1) Bura (Blench) ɗjàhù Bone 5.2) Kilba (Schuh) ɗihji bone
6Proto-Mandara *ɬaɬi bone os 6.1) Matal (Branger) aɬaɬ bone os 6.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) ɬaɬa,-ə os 6.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) hjáhjé os (m) 6.4) Malgwa (Löhr) hjehje bone 6.5) Glavda (Owens) ła bone 6.5.1) Glavda (Nghagyiva) ɬàɬa bone 6.6) Dghwede (Frick) ɬaɬa bone
7Proto-Mofu *ɨtaɬ bone os 7.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) àɬàɬ bone os 7.2) Muyang (Smith) ɑɬɑt bone os 7.3) Mada (Nkoumou) aɬaɬ os 7.4) Zulgo (Haller) atáɬ os m. 7.5) Gemzek (Sabatai) ataɬ bone os 7.6) Merey (Gravina) mətaɬ bone os 7.7) Dugwor (Jubumna) mətaɬ bone os 7.8) Mofu North (Barreteau) ⁿdàɬ os
8Proto-Maroua *ataɬ ʸ bone os 8.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) teɬ(e), ateɬ(Mv), eteɬ (j) os, arrête 8.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) ateɬ bone os 8.3) Mbazla (Tourneux) ʼaʼaɬ os
9Proto-Higi *ʔʲiɬɨ bone os 9.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) ʼjithlə bone 9.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) iɬa bone 9.3) Kirya (Blench) íɬə́ bone 9.4) Bana (Lienhard) éɬêr os (pl.) 9.4.1) Bana (Lienhard) ʼjíɬə́ os
10Proto-Kotoko Island *ahaj bone os 10.1) Buduma (McKone) ahaj bone os
11Proto-Kotoko North *enslʼi bone os 11.1) Afade (Allison) enɬʼi bone os 11.2) Mpade (Allison) ènʃí bone os 11.3) Malgbe (Allison) enɬɨ bone os
12Proto-Kotoko Centre *eɬi bone os 12.1) Lagwan (Allison) aɬɨ bone os 12.2) Mser (Allison) enʃi bone os
13Proto-Kotoko South *asisʼɨ bone os 13.1) Zina (Odden) àsàsə̀ bone os 13.2) Mazera (Allison) asisʼe bone os
14Proto-Gidar *ɬaŋɬaŋ ʸ bone os 14.1) Gidar (Hungerford) ɬeŋɬeŋ os 14.2) Gidar (Schuh) ɬeᵑgɬeᵑg os
Comments (0)

 

ɗɨjɨkʷ n. bird oiseau (9 groups, 31 languages) A
This is the generic term for a small bird. The initial *ɗ is attested in most groups. In Sukur, Margi South, Kilba, Mandara, Margi and Bana the *ɗ and *j have fused to create /ʔʲ/, which is a common sporadic process. In the Tera group the *j has probably been reanalysed as the palatalisation prosody, and in Bura and Dghwede it has been reanalysed as a vowel. The labialisation on the *kʷ is reconstructed on the basis of its presence in the Margi group, with support from the Higi, Maroua and Mofu groups. The reason for the development of *ŋʷ in the Mofu group is unclear.
1Proto-Mafa *ɗɨjak bird oiseau 1.1) Mafa (Barreteau) ɗijak oiseau. nom gén. des petits oiseaux 1.2) Cuvok (Gravina) ɗijak bird oiseau
2Proto-Tera *ɗiki bird oiseau 2.1) Tera (Newman) ɗiki bird 2.2) Nyimatli (Harley) djika bird
3Proto-Sukur *ʔʲak bird oiseau 3.1) Sukur (David) ʼjak bird 3.2) Sukur (Thomas) ʼjak bird;- is a general term for flying birds.
4Proto-Margi *ɗɨjakʷ bird oiseau 4.1) Bura (Blench) ɗíká Bird 4.2) Margi (Hoffman) ʼikji bird 4.3) Margi South (Hoffman) ʼjagu bird 4.4) Kilba (Hoffman) ʼjagu bird 4.4.1) Kilba (Schuh) ʼjaku/ə bird
5Proto-Mandara *ɗɨjak bird oiseau 5.1) Matal (Branger) ɗəjaŋ, ɗijaŋ bird oiseau 5.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) ɗija,-a oiseau 5.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) ƴie oiseau (m) 5.4) Malgwa (Löhr) ɠjije bird gen. 5.5) Glavda (Nghagyiva) ɗìːka bird 5.5.1) Glavda (Owens) ďií bird 5.6) Dghwede (Frick) tʼiᵑge bird
6Proto-Mofu *ɗɨjɨŋʷ bird oiseau 6.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) āɗēŋʷ oiseau 6.2) Muyang (Smith) eɗiŋ bird (general word) oiseau (mot général) 6.3) Moloko (Friesen) eɗəjen bird oiseau 6.4) Zulgo (Haller) ɗijeŋ oiseau m. 6.5) Gemzek (Sabatai) dijiŋ bird oiseau 6.5.1) Gemzek (Sabatai) ɗijiŋ bird oiseau 6.6) Merey (Gravina) ɗijeŋ bird oiseau 6.7) Dugwor (Jubumna) ɗijeŋ bird oiseau 6.8) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ɗijaŋ oiseau (nom gén.)
7Proto-Maroua *ɗɨjɨw bird oiseau 7.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) ɗiju(w) oiseau (en général) 7.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) ɗijew bird oiseau 7.3) Mbazla (Tourneux) ɗijaw oiseau
8Proto-Lamang *ɗɨjak bird oiseau 8.1) Lamang (Wolff) ɗíjáká bird 8.2) Hdi (Bramlett) ɗijak bird l'oiseau
9Proto-Higi *ɗɨjɨkʷɨ bird oiseau 9.1) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) ijo bird 9.2) Kirya (Blench) íkə́ bird 9.3) Bana (Lienhard) ʼjìgʷù oiseau
Comments (0)

 

ɗɨjɨm nm. water eau (17 groups, 53 languages) A
The *ɗ is reconstructed on the evidence from the Bata, Tera, Hurza, Kotoko South and Musgum groups. In all of these groups there is evidence for a glottal element, in most cases [ʔ]. In the Tera group the *ɗ and *j have fused to form /ɗʲ/.
1Proto-Bata *maʔi water eau 1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) màʼínə water 1.2) Jimi (Djibi) maʼi Eau 1.3) Sharwa (Gravina) maʼi eau
2Proto-Daba *jɨm water eau 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) jɑm water eau 2.1.1) Buwal (Viljoen) jɑm colour couleur 2.1.2) Buwal (Viljoen) jɑm juice jus 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) jəm water eau 2.2.1) Gavar (Viljoen) jəm colour couleur 2.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) jim water eau 2.4) Daba (Lienhard) jə̄m l'eau
3Proto-Mafa *jam water eau 3.1) Mafa (Ndokobai) jam water eau 3.2) Cuvok (Gravina) jam water eau
4Proto-Tera *ɗʲɨm water eau 4.1) Tera (Newman) ƴim water 4.2) Nyimatli (Harley) ɗjim water 4.3) Hwana (Harley) āːmá water
5Proto-Sukur *jam water eau 5.1) Sukur (David) ijam water, rain 5.2) Sukur (Thomas) jam water
6Proto-Hurza *aʔam water eau 6.1) Mbuko (Gravina) aʼam water eau 6.2) Vame (Kinnaird) āhʷám water eau
7Proto-Margi *jimi water eau 7.1) Margi (Hoffman) ʼimi water 7.2) Margi South (Harley) imi water 7.3) Bura (Blench) jimi Water
8Proto-Mandara *jɨwɨ water eau 8.1) Matal (Branger) jːāw water eau 8.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) jəwá,-ə eau, jus 8.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) jawe eau (f) 8.4) Malgwa (Löhr) jawe water 8.5) Glavda (Nghagyiva) jùwa water 8.5.1) Glavda (Owens) íi water 8.5.2) Glavda (Owens) ju water, color 8.6) Dghwede (Frick) jiwe water
9Proto-Mofu *jam water eau 9.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) jàm water eau 9.2) Muyang (Smith) jam water ; colour ; interest l'eau; couleur; intérêt 9.3) Moloko (Friesen) jam water eau 9.4) Zulgo (Haller) jam eau f. 9.5) Gemzek (Sabatai) jam l' eau 9.6) Merey (Gravina) jam water eau 9.7) Dugwor (Jubumna) jam water eau 9.7.1) Dugwor (Jubumna) jam juice jus 9.8) Mofu North (Barreteau) jàm eau 9.9) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) jam water eau ; jus
10Proto-Maroua *jam water eau 10.1) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) jam water eau 10.2) Mbazla (Tourneux) jam eau
11Proto-Lamang *imi water eau 11.1) Lamang (Wolff) ímí water 11.2) Hdi (Bramlett) imi water l'eau
12Proto-Higi *jame water eau 12.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) jame water 12.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) jemji water 12.3) Kirya (Blench) jàmə́ water 12.4) Psikye (Angelo) jemú water 12.5) Bana (Lienhard) jàm eau
13Proto-Kotoko Island *amaj water eau 13.1) Buduma (McKone) amaj water eau
14Proto-Kotoko North *ame water eau 14.1) Afade (Allison) ame water eau 14.2) Mpade (Allison) àmé water eau 14.3) Malgbe (Allison) am water eau
15Proto-Kotoko Centre *am water eau 15.1) Lagwan (Allison) am water eau 15.2) Mser (Allison) am water eau
16Proto-Kotoko South *aʔɨm water eau 16.1) Zina (Odden) ámí water eau 16.2) Mazera (Allison) aʔɨm water eau
17Proto-Musgum *ʔɨjam water eau 17.1) Vulum (Tourneux) jem eau 17.2) Mbara (Tourneux) ʼam water 17.3) Muskum (Tourneux) jamu eau
Comments (0)

 

ɗɨɬɨj nm. egg œuf (16 groups, 50 languages) A cf: ɗɨɬ ʸ.
This is one of the most widely attested roots that have been reconstructed. There is significant variety in the realisations, where we can see evidence of most of the significant processes that have taken place in Central Chadic. In the Daba and Musgum groups there has been metathesis of the *ɗ and the *ɬ, and in the Higi group there has been metathesis of the *ɬ and *j. Metathesis is common, but not predictable. In the Maroua and Musgum groups, the *ɗ has become *t, though this change has not been established as a regular change. In many groups the *ɗ has been lost, and this has triggered compensatory reduplication in the Mafa, Margi and Lamang groups, and compensatory prefixation in the Daba group. The final *j has been reanalysed as the palatalisation prosody in Proto-Daba, Proto-Margi and Proto-Maroua, and as a vowel in Proto-Bata, Proto-Kotoko South and Proto-Lamang. These processes are all common, but not predictable. The *ɬ has become *ɮ in the languages of the South sub-branch, i.e. Proto-Bata, Proto-Daba and Proto-Sukur, as part of a regular process, though not in the Mafa group. There is a subsequent regular change *ɮ to /l/ within the Bata group. In the Margi group and Glavda from the Mandara group, the *j or the palatalisation prosody has created *ɬʲ, which is then velarised as part of a regular sporadic process affecting palatalised alveolar consonants, resulting in /hʲ/. *ɬ is realised as /s/ in the Kotoko South group and Mser, and as /ʃ/ in Mpade, both of which are regular processes. The prenasalisation found in some of the Kotoko groups is a common sporadic process.
1Proto-Bata *ɗaɮi egg oeuf 1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) àlínə egg. 1.2) Jimi (Djibi) alin Oeuf 1.3) Sharwa (Gravina) alli oeuf, oeux 1.4) Bata (Boyd) ɗùùle egg
2Proto-Daba *naɮɨɗ ʸ egg oeuf 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) neɬe egg œuf 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) ɑnɬi egg œuf 2.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) miɬiɗ egg œuf 2.4) Daba (Lienhard) nèɮī ʼ l'oeuf
3Proto-Mafa *ɬaɬaj egg oeuf 3.1) Mafa (Ndokobai) ɬaɬaj oeuf 3.2) Cuvok (Gravina) ɬeɬej egg œuf
4Proto-Sukur *ɗaᵑgaɮaj egg oeuf 4.1) Sukur (David) ⁿdaŋaɮaj egg 4.2) Sukur (Thomas) ɗaᵑgaɮai egg
5Proto-Hurza *ɬaj egg oeuf 5.1) Mbuko (Gravina) ɬaj egg(s) oeuf, oeux 5.2) Vame (Kinnaird) ɮáj egg oeuf
6Proto-Margi *ɬɨɬɨ ʸ egg oeuf 6.1) Margi (Hoffman) ihji egg 6.2) Kilba (Schuh) hjihji egg(s) 6.3) Bura (Blench) hihi Egg
7Proto-Mandara *ɗɨɬɨja egg oeuf 7.1) Matal (Branger) ɬaɬaj egg oeuf 7.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) ɬɨɬe,-i oeuf 7.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) ɬájá oeuf (m) 7.4) Malgwa (Löhr) thlaja egg(s) 7.5) Glavda (Owens) çi egg, testes 7.5.1) Glavda (Nghagyiva) çìːja egg 7.6) Dghwede (Frick) ɬəɬe egg
8Proto-Mofu *ɗɨɬɨj egg oeuf 8.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) ɬàɬáj egg oeuf 8.2) Muyang (Smith) ejɬi egg oeuf 8.2.1) Muyang (Smith) ejɬi egg oeuf 8.3) Moloko (Friesen) eɬeɬeɗ egg oeuf 8.4) Zulgo (Haller) ɬèɬé oeuf m. 8.5) Gemzek (Sabatai) ɗəɬe egg œuf 8.6) Merey (Gravina) ɗəɬe egg œuf 8.6.1) Merey (Gravina) ɗəɬe egg œuf 8.7) Dugwor (Jubumna) aɬaj egg œuf 8.8) Mofu North (Barreteau) ɬéɬēɗ oeuf 8.9) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ɬeɬéɗ oeuf
9Proto-Maroua *ataɬ ʸ egg oeuf 9.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) teɬ(e), ateɬ(Mv), eteɬ (j) oeuf 9.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) ateɬ egg œuf 9.3) Mbazla (Tourneux) aɬaj œuf
10Proto-Lamang *ɬiɬi egg oeuf 10.1) Lamang (Wolff) ɬíɬí eggs 10.2) Hdi (Bramlett) ɬiɬik egg l'oeuf
11Proto-Higi *jɨɬɨ egg oeuf 11.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) ɬiɬə egg 11.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) jəɬe egg 11.3) Kirya (Blench) ɬìɬí kòntə́ká egg 11.4) Bana (Lienhard) ɬìɬì oeufs
12Proto-Kotoko North *enɬɨ egg oeuf 12.1) Afade (Allison) enɬo egg œuf 12.2) Mpade (Allison) ènʃó egg œuf 12.3) Malgbe (Allison) enɬɨ egg œuf
13Proto-Kotoko Centre *enɬɨ egg oeuf 13.1) Lagwan (Allison) nɬɨ egg œuf 13.2) Mser (Allison) ensɨ egg œuf
14Proto-Kotoko South *nsi egg oeuf 14.1) Zina (Odden) nsí egg œuf
15Proto-Musgum *ɮat ʸ egg oeuf 15.1) Vulum (Tourneux) eŋɮe oeuf 15.2) Mbara (Tourneux) ŋɮa egg 15.3) Muskum (Tourneux) ɮet oeuf
16Proto-Gidar *ɗaᵑgɮa ʸ egg oeuf 16.1) Gidar (Schuh) ɗeᵑgɮe/e oeuf 16.2) Gidar (Hungerford) ɗeŋle, ɗeŋleɗe oeuf, oeufs
Comments (0)

 

ɗɨrɨnɨh ʸ n. tongue langue (4 groups, 18 languages) C syn: ɣanaɗ ʸ, naɬɨj.
This root is difficult to establish. The initial *ɗ has support from some languages in the Mofu and Maroua groups, either as /ɗ/ or as /ʔ/. The medial *n is expected to have become *r in the Mandara group and parts of the Mofu group, whilst the *r should have become *l in all the groups that are represented except the Mafa group. It is possible that the resulting sequence was reduced from *lɨr to *lr to *r in the Mandara and Mofu groups, which would explain the surface forms that we find. The /l/ in Matal is a regular change from the resulting *r. The *ɗ and *h have both been lost in many languages, which is a common sporadic change. In Mandara and Malgwa, the loss of the *ɗ has triggered compensatory prefixation of /n/. The palatalisation prosody is present in three of the four groups.
1Proto-Mafa *lanaŋ ʸ tongue langue 1.1) Mafa (Barreteau) léné langue 1.1.1) Mafa (Barreteau) léʼén langue 1.2) Cuvok (Gravina) neneŋ tongue langue
2Proto-Mandara *ɨrɨh tongue langue 2.1) Matal (Branger) ālàh tongue langue 2.2) Mandara (Fluckiger) nara langue (f) 2.3) Malgwa (Löhr) nare tongue 2.4) Glavda (Nghagyiva) ɛ̄ɾɛ̄xa tongue 2.5) Dghwede (Frick) rəxe tongue
3Proto-Mofu *ɗɨrɨnah ʸ tongue langue 3.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) màró tongue langue 3.2) Muyang (Smith) arəɗ tongue ; bud langue; bourgeon 3.3) Mada (Nkoumou) árra langue 3.4) Moloko (Friesen) ́hərnek tongue langue 3.5) Zulgo (Haller) àràh langue f. 3.6) Gemzek (Sabatai) arah tongue langue 3.7) Merey (Gravina) ɗərneh langue 3.8) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) neneh langue (organe) (Gud.) 3.8.1) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ɗərne langue (organe) (Mokong)
4Proto-Maroua *ɗɨrna ʸ tongue langue 4.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) ʼirne, irne langue 4.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) irne tongue langue 4.2.1) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) irne language langue, langage 4.3) Mbazla (Tourneux) ne langue 4.3.1) Mbazla (SILSurvey) nɛ́ʼ tongue langue
Comments (0)

 

ɗɨwah nf. breast sein (13 groups, 42 languages) A
The basic sense of the root is 'breast', but in many languages it is also covers the concept 'milk'. The history of the root is complicated due to the fact that all three of the consonants in the root are prone to reanalysis or loss. The initial *ɗ is only retained in some languages of the Mofu and Maroua groups. In many cases it has fused with the *w to create either *ʔʷ or *ɓ, which is a common sporadic process. It has been lost in the Mafa and Kotoko Centre groups. The final *h has been lost in the majority of languages, but is retained in the Meri subgroup of the Mofu group. When the *w has not fused with *ɗ, it is retained.
1Proto-Bata *ʔʷa breast sein 1.1) Bata (Boyd) wàto uncooked fresh milk, lait cru 1.2) Gude (Hoskinson) ʼwánə (inher. poss., body part) breast, milk 1.3) Jimi (Djibi) wan lait 1.4) Sharwa (Gravina) ʼwa sein, lait 1.5) Tsuvan (Johnston) ʼwakən le lait
2Proto-Daba *ʔʷa breast sein 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) wɑ breast; milk; udder sein; lait; pis, mamelle 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) ŋʼwɑ udder; breast; milk mamelle; sein (mamelle); lait 2.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) wa udder; breast pis, mamelle; sein (mamelle)
3Proto-Mafa *wa breast sein 3.1) Mafa (Barreteau) wa sein 3.2) Cuvok (Gravina) wa breast; udder sein (mamelle); pis, mamelle
4Proto-Tera *ɓiɓi breast sein 4.1) Tera (Newman) ɓuɓu, ɓiɓi breast, fem. 4.2) Nyimatli (Harley) ɓiɓi breast
5Proto-Sukur *ʔʷa breast, milk sein, lait 5.1) Sukur (David) ʼwa breast 5.2) Sukur (Thomas) ʼwa breast; milk:- is a milk from the breast of either human female and animals.
6Proto-Margi *ʔɨwa breast sein 6.1) Bura (Blench) ʼùwà Woman’s breast 6.2) Margi (Hoffman) uʼwa breast, milk 6.3) Margi South (Harley) uʼwa breast 6.4) Kilba (Schuh) ʼwa breast; milk
7Proto-Mandara *wɨɓa breast sein 7.1) Matal (Branger) awa breast sein 7.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) uɓa,-a sein; lait 7.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) ube mamelle (f), sein (m), tétine (f) 7.4) Malgwa (Löhr) uuɓe breast, female 7.5) Glavda (Nghagyiva) ùːɓa breast 7.6) Dghwede (Frick) wupʼa breast, milk
8Proto-Mofu *ɗɨwah breast sein 8.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) āɗūwá breast; milk sein; lait 8.2) Muyang (Smith) ɗuwɑ breast ; milk lait; mamelle; sein 8.3) Mada (Nkoumou) ɗwa lait; sein (mamelle) 8.4) Zulgo (Haller) àwàh lait m.; sein m. 8.5) Gemzek (Sabatai) awah breast sein (mamelle) 8.6) Merey (Gravina) wah udder; breast pis, mamelle; sein (mamelle) 8.7) Dugwor (Jubumna) awah udder; breast pis, mamelle; sein (mamelle) 8.8) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ɗəwá sein, mamelle, pis; lait
9Proto-Maroua *ɗɨwa breast sein 9.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) ɗuwa lait, sein, mamelle 9.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) ɗuwa breast; udder sein (mamelle); pis, mamelle 9.3) Mbazla (Tourneux) ʼwa sein, lait 9.3.1) Mbazla (SILSurvey) wāʼ breast sein
10Proto-Lamang *ɗɨwa breast sein 10.1) Lamang (Wolff) úɓá breast, milk 10.2) Hdi (Bramlett) uʼa breast le sein
11Proto-Higi *ʔʷa breast sein 11.1) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) uwo breast (women's) 11.2) Kirya (Blench) ʼwá breast, milk 11.3) Bana (Lienhard) ʼwá lait, sein
12Proto-Kotoko North *eʔʷi breast sein 12.1) Afade (Allison) eʔwi breast sein (mamelle) 12.2) Maltam (Allison) eᵐbi breast sein (mamelle)
13Proto-Kotoko Centre *iwi breast sein 13.1) Lagwan (Allison) iwi breast; udder sein (mamelle); pis, mamelle
Comments (0)

 

gaᵑga n. small drum petit tambour (16 groups, 30 languages) A cf: daŋ.
This is a widespread shared root that does not go back to proto-Central Chadic. It spread with the introduction of the instrument in question.
1Proto-Bata *gaᵑga drum tambour 1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) gàᵑgá drum 1.2) Sharwa (Gravina) gaᵑga tamtam, tambour
2Proto-Daba *kaᵑgaŋ medium-sized drum tambour moyen 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) kɑᵑgɑŋ drum, medium sized tambour moyen
3Proto-Mafa *gaᵑga small two-skinned drum petit tambour à deux peaux 3.1) Mafa (Barreteau) gaᵑga tambour à deux peaux 3.2) Cuvok (Gravina) gaᵑgaŋ small drum petit tambour
4Proto-Tera *gʷɨgaŋ big drum grand tambour 4.1) Nyimatli (Harley) gugaᵑg big(gest) drum
5Proto-Hurza *gaᵑga drum tam-tam 5.1) Mbuko (Gravina) gaᵑgan drum tam-tam 5.2) Vame (Kinnaird) gàŋkà drum ; tom tom tam-tam
6Proto-Margi *gaᵑga drum tambour 6.1) Bura (Blench) gaᵑga Drum Generic term for any drum Also applied specifically to the two-headed, barrel-shaped drum with snares beaten with a hooked stick and hand 6.2) Margi (Hoffman) kaᵑga drum
7Proto-Mandara *gaᵑga drum tambour 7.1) Podoko (Swackhammer) gáŋəka tam-tam 7.2) Mandara (Fluckiger) gaᵑga tamtam (m) 7.3) Malgwa (Löhr) gaᵑga drum gen. 7.4) Glavda (Owens) gaŋ drum
8Proto-Mofu *gaᵑgaŋ drum tambout 8.1) Muyang (Smith) ɡɑŋ-ɡɑŋ tambour, tam-tam (mot général) 8.2) Moloko (Friesen) gəᵑgan drum tambour 8.3) Gemzek (Sabatai) gaŋaŋ small drum petit tambour 8.3.1) Gemzek (Sabatai) gagaŋ tamtam 8.4) Merey (Gravina) gaᵑgaŋ small drum petit tambour, tam-tam 8.4.1) Merey (Gravina) gaŋaŋ tam-tam 8.5) Mofu North (Barreteau) gàᵑgàŋ tambour 8.6) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ́gaᵑgaŋ tambour
9Proto-Maroua *gaᵑgaŋ medium drum tambour moyen 9.1) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) gaᵑgaŋ medium drum tambour moyen
10Proto-Lamang *gaᵑga drum tambour 10.1) Lamang (Wolff) gaᵑga drum
11Proto-Higi *gaᵑga small drum petit tambour 11.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) gaᵑga drum 11.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) gaᵑga small(est) drum
12Proto-Kotoko Island *gaᵑga small drum petit tambour 12.1) Buduma (McKone) gaᵑga tamtam.
13Proto-Kotoko North *gaᵑga drum tambour 13.1) Afade (Allison) gaᵑgan drum (sp.) tambour (sp.) 13.2) Mpade (Allison) kàᵑgá drum (sp.) tambour (sp.)
14Proto-Kotoko Centre *gaᵑga small drum petit tambour 14.1) Lagwan (Allison) gaᵑga small drum petit tambour
15Proto-Musgum *gaᵑga drum tambour 15.1) Mbara (Tourneux) gaᵑga drum (sp.) tambour d'aisselle
16Proto-Gidar *gaᵑga small drum petit tambour 16.1) Gidar (Hungerford) gaᵑga tam-tam, tamtam, tambour
17Kanuri gaᵑgá small drum petit tambour 17.1) Kanuri gaᵑgá drum (sp.) tambour (sp.)
18Hausa gàᵑgáa small drum petit tambour 18.1) Hausa gàᵑgáa drum (sp.) tambour (sp.)
Comments (0)

 

gɨr v. grow grandir (12 groups, 32 languages) A
The basic meaning is to grow with age, as a child does. It can also be used in many languages for rearing livestock. The *r has the reflex *l in the groups of the North sub-branch, and also Proto-Daba. The *g has the reflex *ɣ in Proto-Hurza, and *k in Proto-Margi and Proto-Higi. These are unestablished changes.
1Proto-Bata *gɨr grow grandir 1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) gərə grow, mature, become tall. 1.2) Jimi (Djibi) gərən Grandir ; 1.3) Tsuvan (Johnston) a gəlkən grandir
2Proto-Daba *gɨl grow grandir 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) gɑl grow up grandir 2.1.1) Buwal (Viljoen) gɑl raise élever 2.1.2) Buwal (Viljoen) ᵑgɑl grow old devenir vieux 2.1.3) Buwal (Viljoen) gɑ̀l ᵐbò bring up (a child) élever (un enfant) 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) gəl grow up grandir 2.2.1) Gavar (Viljoen) gəl enlargen agrandir 2.2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) gəl raise élever 2.2.3) Gavar (Viljoen) gəl domesticate, tame domestiquer, apprivoiser 2.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) ɡəl grow up grandir 2.3.1) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) kəɡil bring up (a child) élever (un enfant) 2.4) Daba (Lienhard) gə̄l grandir, croître ; élever 2.4.1) Daba (Lienhard) gə̀là protèger ; élever
3Proto-Mafa *gɨra grow grandir 3.1) Cuvok (Gravina) gəla grow up grandir 3.1.1) Cuvok (Gravina) gal ⁿda bring up (a child) élever (un enfant)
4Proto-Tera *gor grow grandir 4.1) Nyimatli (Harley) gori grow up 4.1.1) Nyimatli (Harley) gor grow (of plants)
5Proto-Sukur *gɨr grow grandir 5.1) Sukur (Thomas) gər grow; to increase in size, to become bigger or taller and develop into an adult, to become longer by not cutting it.
6Proto-Hurza *ɣɨra grow grandir 6.1) Mbuko (Gravina) har to grow bigger grandir 6.2) Vame (Kinnaird) ɣə̀rà grow ; increase grandir ; croître 6.2.1) Vame (Kinnaird) gə̀rà raise cattle ; rear cattle élever_le_bétail 6.2.2) Vame (Kinnaird) ɣàlà grow old ; age vieillir
7Proto-Margi *kila grow grandir 7.1) Bura (Blench) kila To grow
8Proto-Mandara *gɨla grow grandir 8.1) Podoko (Swackhammer) gə́la grandir 8.2) Mandara (Fluckiger) gélá nourrir, élever
9Proto-Mofu *gɨl grow grandir 9.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) gə̄léŋ raise animals éléver le bétail ; nourrir 9.2) Muyang (Smith) ɡɑl bring up ; feed élever 9.3) Mada (Nkoumou) magla coaguler 9.3.1) Mada (Nkoumou) magla éléver 9.4) Moloko (Friesen) gar grow up grandir; grossir 9.5) Zulgo (Haller) gə̀l bá devenir grand, grandir, grossir 9.6) Gemzek (Sabatai) gəl grow up grandir 9.6.1) Gemzek (Sabatai) megəle éléver 9.7) Merey (Gravina) gəl grow up grandir 9.8) Dugwor (Jubumna) məgəlej grow up grandir 9.8.1) Dugwor (Jubumna) məgəlej bring up (a child) élever (un enfant) 9.9) Mofu North (Barreteau) mégə̀lèj grandir, pousser, élever 9.10) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ́gəl raise grandir, pousser, élever (un enfant, un animal) 9.10.1) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ́gəl (fig.) devenir grave, aggraver
10Proto-Maroua *gɨl grow grandir 10.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) gil grandir, faire grandir, élever, engraisser 10.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) gəl grow up grandir 10.2.1) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) gla goɗ bring up (a child) élever (un enfant)
11Proto-Lamang *gɨla grow grandir 11.1) Lamang (Wolff) gla grow 11.2) Hdi (Bramlett) galaj to raise élever 11.2.1) Hdi (Bramlett) gəlaj to grow grandir 11.2.2) Hdi (Bramlett) halaj to grow old vieillir
12Proto-Higi *kɨl grow grandir 12.1) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) kəlo grow (of plants) 12.2) Kirya (Blench) kə̀l nurse, grow 12.3) Bana (Lienhard) k(ə̀)lì grandir, croître, faire grandir, augmenter les paroles, élever les animaux
Comments (0)

 

gɨwɨn n. elephant éléphant (2 groups, 7 languages) D syn: ᵐbɨlala ʸ, dzɨwɨn ʸ, nɨvi.
This root is only found in two groups, and it is not possible to be certain that the forms in the two groups are indeed cognate. The final *n in the Mandara group is surprising, as Proto-Central Chadic *n has the reflex *r in word-final position in this group.
1Proto-Mandara *gɨwɨn elephant éléphant 1.1) Matal (Branger) gawan elephant éléphant 1.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) gʷíhana,-ə éléphant 1.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) gúé éléphant (m) 1.4) Malgwa (Löhr) guwe elephant 1.5) Glavda (Nghagyiva) gùna elephant
2Proto-Kotoko South *gʷagʷe elephant éléphant 2.1) Zina (Odden) gʷàgʷi elephant éléphant 2.2) Mazera (Allison) gʷagʷe elephant éléphant
Comments (0)

 

gʷavan nm. spitting cobra cobra cracheur (6 groups, 14 languages) A
This root is attested in the Mandara Mountains area. The labialisation of *gʷ has been reanalysed as the labialisation prosody in Proto-Daba and Proto-Maroua. The final *n is [ŋ] in almost all languages, most of which have this change as a regular feature. However in the Mofu group languages, word-final *n should have the reflex *r. This implies that the root has been borrowed into the Mofu group.
1Proto-Daba *gavan ʷ cobra cobra 1.1) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) ɡovoŋ spitting cobra cobra 1.2) Daba (Lienhard) gòvòm naja (espèce de serpent noir qui jette la salive)
2Proto-Mafa *gʷɨvan cobra cobra 2.1) Cuvok (Gravina) guvaŋ spitting cobra cobra
3Proto-Hurza *gʷavan cobra cobra 3.1) Mbuko (Gravina) gulguvon cobra cobra crachant 3.2) Vame (Kinnaird) gàvàŋ fìgè cobra cobra
4Proto-Mofu *gʷavaŋ cobra cobra 4.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) gàvàŋ serpent sp.; serpent gris foncé, long, vénimeux 4.2) Muyang (Smith) ɡɑvɑŋ Black-Necked Spitting Cobra, or any large snake cobra (ou tout grand serpent) 4.3) Zulgo (Haller) gàvàŋ serpent m. sp. 4.4) Gemzek (Sabatai) gavaŋ spitting cobra cobra 4.5) Dugwor (Jubumna) golgavan j fətaŋ spitting cobra cobra 4.6) Mofu North (Barreteau) gʷáváŋ serpent (nom gén.) 4.7) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) gʷávaŋʷ naja (serpent)
5Proto-Maroua *gavan ʷ cobra cobra 5.1) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) govon spitting cobra cobra
6Proto-Higi *gʷavaŋ cobra cobra 6.1) Bana (Lienhard) gʷávàŋ esp de serpent, noir, habite près des marigots, aggressif, mais sans vénin
Comments (0)

 

gʷɨɗɨɮ nm. belch éructer (11 groups, 23 languages) C rel. to: hʷɨɗɨɬ ʸ.
This root is very difficult to reconstruct. The most secure part of the root is the *ɮ, which is present in all reflexes, though it is devoiced in Proto-Kotoko North. The voiced fricatives *z and *v are devoiced in Proto-North Kotoko-Musgum, so this may be part of a general devoicing of fricatives. In many languages there is a glottal element, and in many there is a voiced velar. In Mbudum and Giziga Moutourwa there is evidence for three consonants in the root. The initial consonant is reconstructed as *gʷ. The labialisation is retained in Mafa, Bura and Margi, and is vocalised in Hdi. The *g is retained in Mbudum, Mafa, Matal, Glavda, Ouldeme and Mada. In Hdi it has become /ŋ/, and in Giziga Moutourwa it has become /ʔ/. These are unestablished changes. In the Margi group the *gʷ and *ɗ have merged, creating /ɓʷ/ and /ʔʷ/, which is a common sporadic process. The *ɗ is retained in several languages, and in Mbudum, Gemzek, Merey and Giziga Moutourwa it has the reflex /r/, which is an unestablished change. In Kotoko North is has fused with *ɬ to create the ejective *ɬʼ. As one might expect, the root for 'belch' is the voiced equivalent of the root for 'cough'.
1Proto-Daba *gɨɗɨɮ belch éructer 1.1) Buwal (Viljoen) ɗɑɮ belch éructer, rôter 1.2) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) ŋɡəɾɮ belch éructer, rôter
2Proto-Mafa *gʷɨɗɨɮa belch éructer 2.1) Mafa (Barreteau) guɮa rôter 2.2) Cuvok (Gravina) ɗaɮa belch éructer, rôter
3Proto-Hurza *ɗɨɮa belch éructer 3.1) Mbuko (Gravina) ɗəɮe to belch roter 3.2) Vame (Kinnaird) ̀ɮànáŋà belch éructer
4Proto-Margi *ɮaɠʷi belch éructer 4.1) Bura (Blench) ɮàɓʷì To belch 4.2) Margi (Hoffman) ɮaʼwi to belch
5Proto-Mandara *gɨɮa belch éructer 5.1) Matal màɡɮáj belch éructer 5.2) Malgwa (Löhr) iidhla burp 5.3) Glavda (Nghagyiva) gɨ̀ɮᵊga belch
6Proto-Mofu *gɨɗɨɮ belch éructer 6.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) gə̀ɮàj burp éructer ; rôter 6.2) Mada (Nkoumou) meᵑgɮea éructer, rôter 6.3) Zulgo (Haller) ɮeɮe roter 6.4) Gemzek (Sabatai) mereɮe belch éructer, rôter 6.5) Merey (Gravina) raɬ belch éructer, rôter 6.6) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ́ɗəɮ éructer
7Proto-Maroua *ʔɨrɮɨʔɨ ʸ belch éructer 7.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) ʼirɮiʼi roter
8Proto-Lamang *ŋɨɮu belch éructer 8.1) Hdi (Bramlett) ŋəɮu to belch, to burp éructer, roter
9Proto-Higi *ɮi belch éructer 9.1) Bana (Lienhard) ɮí éructer, rôter
10Proto-Kotoko North *ɬʼa belch éructer 10.1) Afade (Allison) ɬʼe; ɬʼaun belch éructer, rôter 10.2) Mpade (Allison) là msʼò belch éructer, rôter 10.2.1) Mpade (Allison) msʼò burp rot
11Proto-Kotoko Centre *iɬi belch éructer 11.1) Lagwan (Allison) gel iɬi belch éructer, rôter
Comments (0)

 

gʷɨla n. left gauche (8 groups, 17 languages) A syn: ɮaɓaj.
This root is unusual in that it is reconstructed with *l, although this phoneme is not reconstructed for Proto-Central Chadic. There was a change *r to *l in the North sub-branch, which introduced the phoneme in those languages. However, here we have *l in the reconstructions for Proto-Daba, Proto-Mafa and Proto-Hurza, which are not in the North sub-branch. It is possible that this root spread from the North sub-branch to other languages. In Malgbe the labialisation has been lost from *gʷ, and in Lagwan it has the reflex /ɣ/, which is an unestablished change.
1Proto-Daba *gʷɨla left gauche 1.1) Buwal (Viljoen) ɑ̄tɑ̄ rɑ̄ ɡʷʊ̀lɑ̀ left (direction) () gauche 1.2) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) abəɡula left (direction) (à) gauche
2Proto-Mafa *gʷɨla left gauche 2.1) Mafa (Barreteau) gúlá gauche 2.2) Cuvok (Gravina) ha ta gula left (direction) (à) gauche
3Proto-Hurza *gʷɨla left gauche 3.1) Mbuko (Gravina) gula left gauche 3.1.1) Mbuko (Gravina) alaj gula gauche
4Proto-Mofu *gʷɨla left gauche 4.1) Moloko (Friesen) gəlo left gauche 4.1.1) Moloko (Friesen) gəlo miserable misérable 4.2) Zulgo (Haller) ⁿdá ahə́r gùla à gauche 4.3) Gemzek (Sabatai) i ahər gula left (direction) (à) gauche 4.4) Merey (Gravina) gula gauche 4.5) Dugwor (Jubumna) gula left (direction) (à) gauche 4.6) Mofu North (Barreteau) hār gùlá main gauche 4.7) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) hár-gula (main) gauche 4.7.1) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ́gula gauche
5Proto-Maroua *gʷɨla left gauche 5.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) gula gauche 5.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) haŋ gula left (direction) (à) gauche
6Proto-Higi *gʷɨla left gauche 6.1) Psikye (Angelo) gʷəlá left
7Proto-Kotoko North *geli left gauche 7.1) Malgbe (Allison) a ɬe geli left (direction) (à) gauche
8Proto-Kotoko Centre *ɣɨlan left gauche 8.1) Lagwan (Allison) ɣɨlan left (direction) (à) gauche
Comments (0)

 

gʷɨvɨh nm. field champ (8 groups, 27 languages) A syn: raj, sɨka, ɣʷɨr.
The basic meaning is the land where millet is cultivated. Apart from Gude, this root is not found in languages of the South sub-branch. The initial *gʷ has reduced to *w in Proto-Lamang and Proto-Higi, an unestablished change. In Proto-Bata and Proto-Margi, the same process resulted in a detached labialisation component, which attached to the *v in Proto-Bata and the *h in Proto-Margi, resulting in *kʷ. In Proto-Margi, *v has the regular reflex *f. The final *h has also been lost in several languages.
1Proto-Bata *vʷɨ field champ 1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) ùuzànvʷá -ə communal farming
2Proto-Hurza *gʷɨvɨh field champ 2.1) Mbuko (Gravina) guvo field champ 2.2) Vame (Kinnaird) kùvàk field ; farm champ ; ferme
3Proto-Margi *fakʷ field champ 3.1) Bura (Blench) faku Farm; field; garden 3.2) Margi (Hoffman) fa farm 3.3) Margi South (Harley) fa farm 3.4) Kilba (Schuh) fa farm
4Proto-Mandara *gʷɨvɨh field champ 4.1) Matal (Branger) gʷəf // guf field champ 4.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) və́hʷa,-u champ 4.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) fé champ (m) 4.4) Malgwa (Löhr) ukfe farm 4.4.1) Malgwa (Löhr) fe farm 4.5) Glavda (Owens) gif field, place on farm where grain gathered 4.5.1) Glavda (Owens) gʷu farm 4.5.2) Glavda (Owens) gʷu farm 4.5.3) Glavda (Owens) vaava field, place
5Proto-Mofu *gʷɨvɨh field champ 5.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) āvùhʷ field champ 5.2) Mada (Nkoumou) wvah champs 5.3) Moloko (Friesen) gəvah field champ 5.4) Zulgo (Haller) gùvàh champ (m.) cultivé 5.5) Gemzek (Sabatai) guvah fields champs 5.6) Merey (Gravina) guvah champ 5.6.1) Merey (Gravina) guvah champ 5.7) Dugwor (Jubumna) guva fields champs
6Proto-Maroua *gʷɨva field champ 6.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) guva champ 6.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) guva fields champs
7Proto-Lamang *wɨvah field champ 7.1) Lamang (Wolff) úvàha field, farm 7.2) Hdi (Bramlett) vwah field le champ
8Proto-Higi *wɨvɨhɨ field champ 8.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) vʷə 1. farm. 2.friend. 8.2) Kirya (Blench) nvʷə̀kə́ farm 8.2.1) Kirya (Blench) nvə̀kə́ farm 8.3) Psikye (Angelo) wuvə farm, (field) 8.4) Bana (Lienhard) və̀xə́ champ
Comments (0)

 

ɣaj nm. compound concession (12 groups, 28 languages) A rel. to: vɨn ʸ.
The basic meaning of this root is the entire compound, whilst *vɨn ʸ denotes a single building. The initial *ɣ also has the reflexes /g/ and /h/. The reflex /h/ is regular in Mandara, Malgwa, Muyang, Moloko and Proto-Kotoko North. The reflex /g/ is regular in the Meri sub-group of the Mofu group. In the Mofu subgroup the *ɣ is regularly lost. The *j is reanalysed as the palatalisation prosody in Proto-Daba, and is vocalised in Sukur, which are common sporadic processes. It combines with *a in Proto-Kotoko South, which is an unestablished change.
1Proto-Bata *hajɨ hut case 1.1) Sharwa (Gravina) hajə Maison
2Proto-Daba *ga ʸ hut case 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) ge house maison 2.2) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) ɡe house maison
3Proto-Mafa *gaj hut case 3.1) Mafa (Barreteau) gáj case, consession
4Proto-Sukur *ɣi hut case 4.1) Sukur (David) ɣí house 4.2) Sukur (Thomas) ɣəi home; the house that you live in, especially with your family.
5Proto-Hurza *aga hut case 5.1) Mbuko (Gravina) àga at_house_of chez
6Proto-Mandara *ɣaj hut case 6.1) Matal (Branger) gàj hut case 6.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) kaja,-ə 1 concession, case, maison 6.2.1) Podoko (Swackhammer) kaja,-ə 2 conteneur 6.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) há concession (f), maison (f) 6.4) Glavda (Nghagyiva) xàːwa entrance hut
7Proto-Mofu *ɣaj hut case 7.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) ɣàj house maison 7.2) Muyang (Smith) ɑhɑj maison, concession ; toute construction 7.2.1) Muyang (Smith) ɑhɑj class classe 7.3) Moloko (Friesen) háj house, compound maison; concession 7.4) Gemzek (Sabatai) ga house maison 7.5) Merey (Gravina) gaj hut case, maison 7.5.1) Merey (Gravina) gə maison 7.6) Dugwor (Jubumna) gaj house maison 7.6.1) Dugwor (Jubumna) gaj hut case 7.7) Mofu North (Barreteau) ʔáj maison (ensemble de case) 7.8) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) waj home maison, concession
8Proto-Maroua *gaj hut case 8.1) Mbazla (SILSurvey) gái house maison
9Proto-Higi *ɣaj hut case 9.1) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) ɣʷo house 9.2) Kirya (Blench) ɣàj house 9.3) Psikye (Angelo) ge house 9.4) Bana (Lienhard) ɣjì maison
10Proto-Kotoko North *ho hut case 10.1) Afade (Allison) ho house maison 10.2) Mpade (Allison) ho house maison 10.3) Malgbe (Allison) ha house maison
11Proto-Kotoko Centre *ɣaa hut case 11.1) Lagwan (Allison) ɣaa house maison
12Proto-Kotoko South *ɣe hut case 12.1) Mazera (Allison) ɣe hut case 12.1.1) Mazera (Allison) ɣe house maison
Comments (0)

 

ɣɨn nm. head tête (8 groups, 31 languages) A syn: ɣʷɨ.
The final *n has undergone the regular change *n→r in the Margi-Mandara-Mofu major group. The Mafa /gəɗ/ has come from *gɨr, which implies that this reflex was borrowed from that major group. *ɣ has the reflex /g/ in several languages, which is a regular change in Dghwede and the Meri subgroup of the Mofu group. It developed into *k in Proto-Margi, probably via *h, though this change is unestablished. It has the regular reflex /h/ in Muyang, and has been lost in several languages, including the two Mofu subgroup languages where this change is regular. There are also instances of the reflex /j/ in Jimi, Cuvok, Mandara, Malgwa and Mbazla, but this change is unestablished. The Moloko and Giziga forms may represent compounds including the reflex of the proto-form.
1Proto-Bata *ɣɨnɨ head tête 1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) ná -ə (inher. poss., body part) head, top 1.2) Jimi (Djibi) jinən Tête 1.3) Sharwa (Gravina) ᵑgɨnə tête 1.4) Tsuvan (Johnston) əne la tête
2Proto-Mafa *jaŋ, gɨɗ head tête 2.1) Mafa (Ndokobai) gəɗ kəda tête de chien 2.2) Cuvok (Gravina) jaŋ head tête
3Proto-Margi *kir head tête 3.1) Bura (Blench) kir Head; the top 3.2) Margi (Hoffman) kər head 3.3) Margi South (Hoffman) kər head 3.3.1) Margi South (Harley) kər head 3.4) Kilba (Hoffman) kər head 3.4.1) Kilba (Schuh) kər head
4Proto-Mandara *ɣɨra head tête 4.1) Matal (Branger) gəl head tête 4.2) Mandara (Fluckiger) ira tête (f) 4.3) Malgwa (Löhr) iire head 4.4) Glavda (Nghagyiva) ʁɾa head 4.4.1) Glavda (Nghagyiva) ʁɾa head 4.4.2) Glavda (Owens) γr head, mind, intellect 4.5) Dghwede (Frick) gre head
5Proto-Mofu *ɣɨr head tête 5.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) ɣàr head tête 5.2) Muyang (Smith) ɑhɑ̀r tête, le dessus de quelque chose ; la personne même 5.3) Moloko (Friesen) dəraj head tête 5.4) Zulgo (Haller) gər tête f. 5.5) Gemzek (Sabatai) gər head tête 5.5.1) Gemzek (Sabatai) gar la tête 5.6) Merey (Gravina) gər head tête 5.7) Dugwor (Jubumna) gar head tête 5.8) Mofu North (Barreteau) ʔár tête 5.8.1) Mofu North (Barreteau) ʼar la tête 5.9) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) raj head (of person, animal, etc.), the top part of something tête 5.9.1) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) raj sommet, dessus, cime
6Proto-Maroua hɨrɨŋ, jɨŋ head tête 6.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) hirᵑga(Mt) hirᵑgaŋ(Mj) tête 6.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) huruŋ head tête 6.3) Mbazla (Tourneux) jiŋ tête
7Proto-Lamang *ɣɨŋ head tête 7.1) Lamang (Wolff) ɣàŋ head 7.2) Hdi (Bramlett) ɣəŋ head la tête
8Proto-Higi *ɣɨn head tête 8.1) Kirya (Blench) ɣə̀n head 8.2) Bana (Lienhard) ɣə̀n tête, sommet, cime
Comments (0)

 

ɣʷɨɓis v. laugh rire (12 groups, 29 languages) C
This is a difficult root to reconstruct. The three consonants of the reconstructed form are found only in the Mandara and Lamang groups. In all other groups the *ɣʷ and *ɓ have interacted or been lost. *ɣʷ has been lost in Proto-Daba and Proto-Sukur, which is an unestablished change. In Podoko the labialisation component was retained and vocalised, and in Proto-Higi the labialisation component transferred onto *ɓ. Within the Higi group, *ɓʷ→ʔʷ in several languages, which is an unestablished change. There has been an unestablished change *ɓ→ᵐb, giving the forms in Mbuko, Moloko and Lamang. The sporadic change *ᵐb→m took place subsequently, giving the forms in Daba, Proto-Tera, Ouldeme, Vame and Gidar. The labialisation component of *ɣʷ combined with this in Proto-Bata, Vame and Proto-Margi. In another path, the *m combined with *ɣʷ to create *ᵑgʷ, giving the forms in Mafa, Merey and Dugwor. These examples of fusion are common sporadic processes. There is evidence for reconstructing *i from the Sukur, Margi and Higi groups.
1Proto-Bata *mʷɨs laugh rire 1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) nwusə laugh, laugh at, mock 1.2) Sharwa (Gravina) uʃi amʷɨskə Amusant,ante 1.3) Tsuvan (Johnston) a mʷeskən rire, sourire
2Proto-Daba *ɓas laugh rire 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) ɓɑs laugh rire 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) ɓɑs smile sourire 2.2.1) Gavar (Viljoen) ɓɑs laugh rire 2.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) ɓas laugh rire 2.4) Daba (Lienhard) mīs rire ; se moquer de...
3Proto-Mafa *ŋgʷas laugh rire 3.1) Mafa (Barreteau) ngʷás rire
4Proto-Tera *mɨs laugh rire 4.1) Tera (Newman) tʃi məsi laugh (do laughter) 4.2) Nyimatli (Harley) mu̱s laugh
5Proto-Sukur *ɓis laugh rire 5.1) Sukur (David) ɓis laugh, to 5.2) Sukur (Thomas) ɓis laugh; to make sounds and movements of your face that show you are happy or think something is funny.
6Proto-Hurza ᵐbɨsɨj laugh rire 6.1) Mbuko (Gravina) ᵐbasaj laugh rire 6.2) Vame (Kinnaird) mùʃ laugh rire 6.2.1) Vame (Kinnaird) mùʃìjà laugh ; laugh at ; mock moquer_(se)
7Proto-Margi *mʷisa laugh rire 7.1) Bura (Blench) kumʃi To smile, to laugh 7.1.1) Bura (Blench) muʃa, miʃa To smile; to begin to laugh
8Proto-Mandara *ɣʷɨɓasa laugh rire 8.1) Podoko (Swackhammer) uɓasa rire, sourire 8.2) Glavda (Nghagyiva) ʁùɓásᵊga laugh 8.3) Dghwede (Frick) gəpʼasa to laugh
9Proto-Mofu *ɣʷɨᵐbasa laugh rire 9.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) màsàj be contented ; laugh être content ; rire 9.2) Moloko (Friesen) ᵐbas smile sourire 9.2.1) Moloko (Friesen) ᵐbas laugh rire 9.3) Merey (Gravina) ŋgʷasa laugh rire 9.4) Dugwor (Jubumna) məngʷesej laugh rire
10Proto-Lamang *ɣʷɨɓas laugh rire 10.1) Lamang (Wolff) ɣəᵐboso laugh 10.2) Hdi (Bramlett) ɣuɓasaj to laugh, to mock rire, se moquer 10.2.1) Hdi (Bramlett) ɣuɓasu laugh le rire
11Proto-Higi *ɓʷɨsi laugh rire 11.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) ʼuʃí laugh 11.1.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) ùʃí Laugh 11.1.2) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) uʃi laugh 11.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) uʃi laugh 11.3) Kirya (Blench) ɓʷìʃí to laugh 11.4) Psikye (Angelo) ʼwuʃí laugh 11.4.1) Psikye (Angelo) ŋʼwuʃí laugh 11.5) Bana (Lienhard) ʼwə́ʃí rire, sourire, vaincre
12Proto-Gidar *ɨmasa laugh rire 12.1) Gidar (Hungerford) əmasa rire
Comments (0)

 

ɣʷɨlɨm n. cheek joue (7 groups, 11 languages) D
The forms from four of the groups cited are clearly cognate, but the Mbara and Gidar words lack the reflex of *m which would normally be expected, and the Glavda form lacks *l, thus making their status as cognates doubtful. *ɣʷ has become *hʷ in the Hurza and Mofu groups. In the Hurza group this is an unestablished change, but in these languages of the Mofu group, /gʷ/ is expected. The labialisation has then been reanalysed as a prosody in Mbuko and Proto-Mofu, which is a common sporadic change. A similar process has taken place in Sukur and Kirya.
1Proto-Sukur *ɣʷɨlɨm cheek joue 1.1) Sukur (David) ɣulum cheek
2Proto-Hurza *mɨhʷɨlam cheek joue 2.1) Mbuko (Gravina) məhulom cheek joue 2.2) Vame (Kinnaird) múlá cheek joue
3Proto-Mandara *wɨm cheek joue 3.1) Glavda (Owens) úum cheek
4Proto-Mofu *mahalɨm ʷ cheek joue 4.1) Zulgo (Haller) máhalúm joue f. 4.2) Gemzek (Sabatai) maholom cheek joue 4.3) Merey (Gravina) maholom joue 4.3.1) Merey (Gravina) mahololom cheek joue
5Proto-Higi *ɣʷɨlɨm cheek joue 5.1) Kirya (Blench) ɣulum cheek 5.2) Bana (Lienhard) ɣʷə̀lmə̀ joue
6Proto-Musgum *galaj cheek joue 6.1) Mbara (Tourneux) galaj cheek
7Proto-Gidar *galiin cheek joue 7.1) Gidar (Hungerford) galiin joue
Comments (0)

 

ɣʷɨlɨs ʸ nf. kidney rein (10 groups, 18 languages) B
This root is widespread amongst the languages of the North sub-branch, but is only attested in Buwal, Gavar and Sukur of the South sub-branch. *l did not exist in Proto-Central Chadic, but was an innovation in the North sub-branch following *r→l. This indicates that this root originated in Proto-Central Chadic North. *ɣʷ has the expected wide range of reflexes, some regular and some irregular. The palatalisation prosody is well supported by the data. The presence of *ɗ in the Kotoko Centre and North languages could be due to *l→r→ɗ, though this process has not been established as regular. The Mpade form is the result of metathesis.
1Proto-Daba *wɨlɨs ʸ kidney rein 1.1) Buwal (Viljoen) ules kidney rein 1.2) Gavar (Viljoen) wəliʃ kidney rein
2Proto-Sukur *ɣʷɨlɨsisi kidney rein 2.1) Sukur (David) ɣuləʃiʃi kidney 2.2) Sukur (Thomas) ɣuləʃiʃi kidney; the two organs in the body that remove waste products from the blood and produce urine.
3Proto-Hurza *hʷɨlasase kidney rein 3.1) Vame (Kinnaird) hùlásásé kidney rein
4Proto-Margi *kʷɨlsi ʸ kidney rein 4.1) Bura (Blench) kulʃi Kidneys 4.2) Margi (Hoffman) hulʃi kidney
5Proto-Mandara *kʷɨlɨsɨ ʸ kidney rein 5.1) Podoko (Swackhammer) hulə́ʃe,-ə rein 5.2) Malgwa (Löhr) ŋursasa kidney 5.3) Glavda (Nghagyiva) zɾá kʷʃᵊla kidney
6Proto-Mofu *wɨlas ʸ kidney rein 6.1) Dugwor (Jubumna) wures dəba kidney rein 6.2) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) wules-dəɓá rein
7Proto-Lamang *ɣʷɨlɨsisi kidney rein 7.1) Lamang (Wolff) ɣʷələsisi kidney 7.2) Hdi (Bramlett) hulisisi kidney le rein
8Proto-Higi *ɣʷɨlɨsʲi kidney rein 8.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) goliʃi kidney 8.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) ɣulətʃi kidney 8.3) Bana (Lienhard) wə̀lìsà rein
9Proto-Kotoko Centre *hʷɨɗɨs kidney rein 9.1) Lagwan (Allison) xuɗusɨ kidney rein 9.2) Mser (Allison) hɨdɨs kidney rein
10Proto-Kotoko North *ɗɨgʷɨse kidney rein 10.1) Mpade (Allison) ɗùgùsé kidney rein
Comments (0)

 

ɣʷɨmɨɗ ʸ n. beard barbe (9 groups, 14 languages) B
The final *ɗ under palatalisation is realised as *j in almost all cases, which is a regular change. This has then been vocalised in Proto-Margi and Proto-Mandara. The palatalisation prosody is retained only in Gidar. *ɣʷ has a wide range of reflexes, as expected.
1Proto-Sukur *ɣɨmaj beard barbe 1.1) Sukur (David) ɣəmaj beard 1.2) Sukur (Thomas) ɣəmai beard:-is a hait that grown on the chin of a man;s mouth.
2Proto-Hurza *hɨmaj beard barbe 2.1) Mbuko (Gravina) həmaj beard barbe (f) (homme, bouc)
3Proto-Margi *kʷɨmi beard barbe 3.1) Bura (Blench) kùmí Beard 3.1.1) Bura (Blench) ʃíʃí kùmí Beard (on chin)
4Proto-Mandara *ɣʷɨmi beard barbe 4.1) Matal (Branger) agʷaj, agoj beard barbe 4.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) mume,-i barbe 4.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) uma barbe (f) 4.4) Malgwa (Löhr) kuuma, uuma beard
5Proto-Mofu *hɨmaj beard barbe 5.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) màmáj beard barbe 5.2) Gemzek (Sabatai) həma beard barbe
6Proto-Maroua *hɨmɨŋ ʷ beard barbe 6.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) hummuŋ barbe touffue
7Proto-Lamang *ɣʷɨmaj beard barbe 7.1) Hdi (Bramlett) ɣumaj chin, goatee le menton, la barbe
8Proto-Higi *ɣʷɨmiɗ beard barbe 8.1) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) ɣuɓe beard 8.2) Kirya (Blench) ɣùmí beard
9Proto-Gidar *aᵑgama ʸ beard barbe 9.1) Gidar (Hungerford) eᵑgeme barbe 9.2) Gidar (Schuh) aᵑgeme barbe
Comments (0)

 

ɣʷɨpa nf. flour farine (12 groups, 36 languages) B
In Proto-Central Chadic, *p had the allophone [p] in word-medial position. However, in Proto-Daba and Proto-Mafa we find *f, which is unestablished. *p has become /ᵐb/ in Vame and the Tokombere subgroup of the Mofu group, which is also an unestablished change. *ɣʷ has the usual wide range of reflexes, and in some cases has been lost. In Sukur and Proto-Margi the labialisation component has transferred onto *p, which is a common sporadic process.
1Proto-Bata *hʷɨpɨ flour farine 1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) ə̀mpúnə flour (from any grain) 1.2) Jimi (Djibi) pun Farine 1.3) Sharwa (Gravina) pʷə farine 1.4) Tsuvan (Johnston) ahpʷe la farine
2Proto-Daba *ŋfa flour farine 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) ŋfɑ flour farine 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) ŋfɑ flour farine 2.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) n̩fa flour farine
3Proto-Mafa *gʷɨfa flour farine 3.1) Mafa (Barreteau) gúfá farine 3.2) Cuvok (Gravina) kəfa flour farine
4Proto-Sukur *pʷa flour farine 4.1) Sukur (David) powa flour, millet 4.2) Sukur (Thomas) pʷa flour; a fine white or brown powder made from grain, especially guineacorn, maize, etc.
5Proto-Hurza *hɨᵐbɨga flour farine 5.1) Vame (Kinnaird) hə̀ᵐbə̀gà flour farine
6Proto-Margi *ɨpʷɨ flour farine 6.1) Bura (Blench) mpʷa Flour, meal 6.2) Margi (Hoffman) əmpu flour 6.3) Margi South (Hoffman) upau flour 6.4) Kilba (Hoffman) upʷa flour 6.4.1) Kilba (Schuh) upʷa/up flour
7Proto-Mandara *kʷɨpɨ flour farine 7.1) Matal (Branger) phaw flour farine 7.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) pəhʷa,-u farine 7.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) úkpé farine (f) 7.4) Malgwa (Löhr) ukpa flour 7.5) Glavda (Owens) ax guinea corn flour 7.5.1) Glavda (Nghagyiva) àxʷpíja flour
8Proto-Mofu *ɣʷɨpa flour farine 8.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) hūᵐbò flour farine 8.2) Muyang (Smith) huᵐbu flour farine 8.3) Moloko (Friesen) hoᵐbo farine 8.3.1) Moloko (Friesen) həᵐbo flour farine 8.4) Proto-Meri *gʷɨfa flour farine 8.5) Zulgo (Haller) gùfá farine f. 8.6) Gemzek (Sabatai) gufa flour farine 8.7) Merey (Gravina) gufo flour farine 8.8) Dugwor (Jubumna) gufo flour farine 8.9) Mofu North (Barreteau) hápà farine 8.10) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) hapa flour farine
9Proto-Maroua *hapa flour farine 9.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) hapa farine 9.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) hapa flour farine
10Proto-Lamang *hʷɨpaw flour farine 10.1) Lamang (Wolff) hʷpo flour 10.2) Hdi (Bramlett) hupu flour la farine
11Proto-Higi *ɣʷɨpɨ flour farine 11.1) Kirya (Blench) ɣùpə́ flour 11.2) Bana (Lienhard) ɣʷə̀pə̀ farine
12Proto-Gidar *gɨpa flour farine 12.1) Gidar (Hungerford) gɨɨpa farine
Comments (0)

 

ɣʷɨrɨp v. blind aveugle (11 groups, 35 languages) A
This root is attested as a noun, adjective or verb. The basic sense was the verb 'to be blind'. The *ɣʷ has the usual wide range of regular and irregular reflexes. The labialisation component has been reanalysed as the labialisation prosody in Proto-Maroua, which is a common sporadic process. There was a regular change *r→l in the groups of the North sub-branch, and also in Proto-Daba. In Proto-Central Chadic, *p was realised as [f] in word-final position, but has the reflex /p/ in Hdi, which is an unestablished change.
1Proto-Bata *wɨrɨfɨ blind aveugle 1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) múurə́fá -ə blind person 1.1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) uurəfə become blind, be blind, make blind 1.2) Jimi (Djibi) wərəfən Devenir aveugle ; 1.3) Tsuvan (Johnston) awəlfe l'aveugle
2Proto-Daba *wɨlɨf blind aveugle 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) ulɑf blind person (un) aveugle 2.1.1) Buwal (Viljoen) ulɑf make blind aveugler 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) wələf blind person (un) aveugle 2.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) wuləf blind person (un) aveugle 2.4) Daba (Lienhard) wə̀lə̀f l'aveugle ; aveugler
3Proto-Hurza *ɣʷɨraf blind aveugle 3.1) Mbuko (Gravina) hurof be_blind être aveugle 3.1.1) Mbuko (Gravina) hurof blind aveugle 3.2) Vame (Kinnaird) ɣùlàf 1 blind person aveugle 3.2.1) Vame (Kinnaird) ɣùlàf 2 blind aveugle
4Proto-Margi *wɨlɨfu blind aveugle 4.1) Margi (Hoffman) ləfə blind person 4.2) Kilba (Schuh) wulfu/u blind
5Proto-Mandara *ɣʷɨlɨfɨ blind aveugle 5.1) Matal (Branger) gʷələf, guləf blind person aveugle 5.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) ləfa aveugler 5.2.1) Podoko (Swackhammer) ləfaha ləfa devenir aveugle 5.2.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) ᵑgúləfa,-ə aveugle 5.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) welfe aveugle 5.4) Malgwa (Löhr) ŋulfe, wulfe blind 5.5) Glavda (Nghagyiva) gùlfa (be) blind 5.5.1) Glavda (Nghagyiva) dàdá gùlfa blind person
6Proto-Mofu *ɣʷɨlɨf blind aveugle 6.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) wùlə̀f blind aveugle 6.2) Mada (Nkoumou) muwlofa (un) aveugle 6.3) Moloko (Friesen) həlof blind aveugler 6.3.1) Moloko (Friesen) həlof un être aveugle 6.3.2) Moloko (Friesen) həlofəga blind animal animal_aveugle 6.4) Zulgo (Haller) gùluf (ŋá) aveugle, privé de la vue 6.4.1) Zulgo (Haller) malá gùluf aveugle m. 6.5) Gemzek (Sabatai) gulof blind person (un) aveugle 6.5.1) Gemzek (Sabatai) megulfe di ᵐburo aveugler 6.6) Merey (Gravina) guluf blind person (un) aveugle 6.7) Dugwor (Jubumna) ⁿdaw gulof araj blind person (un) aveugle 6.8) Mofu North (Barreteau) wùlàf aveugle 6.8.1) Mofu North (Barreteau) méwùlfʼej aveugler, être aveugle 6.9) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) húlf aveugler, rendre aveugle 6.9.1) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) wúlf aveugler, rendre aveugle 6.9.2) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) wulaf aveugle, illettré
7Proto-Maroua *hɨlɨf ʷ blind aveugle 7.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) huluf être aveugle, devenir aveugle 7.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) hulof blind person (un) aveugle
8Proto-Lamang *ɣʷɨlpa blind aveugle 8.1) Hdi (Bramlett) ɣulpaku blind aveugle
9Proto-Higi *ɣʷɨlɨfi blind aveugle 9.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) ɣuli blind 9.1.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) ɣʷèlì Blind. 9.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) ɣuləpi (be) blind 9.2.1) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) mdiɣulə blind person 9.3) Kirya (Blench) mə́ɣùɽìpàə̀ blind 9.4) Bana (Lienhard) ɣʷə̀lf(ə́), ɣʷə̀lə̀f aveugle
10Proto-Kotoko Centre *nɣʷɨf blind aveugle 10.1) Lagwan (Allison) nxufi blind person (un) aveugle 10.2) Mser (Allison) ngʷafɨ blind person (un) aveugle
11Proto-Kotoko South *ɣʷajra blind aveugle 11.1) Zina (Odden) ɣʷàjrà blind person (un) aveugle
Comments (0)

 

ɣʷɨts n., v. dance danser (8 groups, 15 languages) C
This root is not well attested, and has a fairly diverse collection of attestations. It is not clear of the original root was a noun or a verb.
1Proto-Bata *wɨdzɨ dance danser 1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) udzə dance 1.2) Jimi (Djibi) udzən Danser ; 1.3) Sharwa (Gravina) udz Danser 1.4) Tsuvan (Johnston) a wədzekən danser
2Proto-Mafa *gats dance danser 2.1) Mafa (Ndokobai) n getʃe danser
3Proto-Sukur *dzɨw dance danser 3.1) Sukur (David) kʷatsakʷatsa tassel, dance 3.2) Sukur (David) dzú dance 3.3) Sukur (Thomas) dzu dance:- to dance when celebrating something.
4Proto-Margi *wɨtsɨ dance danser 4.1) Kilba (Schuh) utsa/ə dance
5Proto-Mofu *kasaw dance danser 5.1) Mofu North (Barreteau) mékèsèwèj danser doucement pendant le deuil
6Proto-Lamang *dzagʷa dance danser 6.1) Lamang (Wolff) dzàgʷàdzàgʷà dance/song (spec.)
7Proto-Higi *wɨtsɨ dance danser 7.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) tswə dance 7.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) tso dance 7.2.1) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) tso dance 7.3) Kirya (Blench) tswə̀ to dance 7.4) Psikye (Angelo) kawutsə́ dance 7.5) Bana (Lienhard) tsə́ danser
8Proto-Kotoko Island *watsa dance danser 8.1) Buduma (McKone) watʃa jouer, danser.
Comments (0)

 

ɣʷɨva nf. body corps (8 groups, 29 languages) B
This is the general term for the human body. In the Meri subgroup of the Mofu group there was a regular change *v→b. *ɣʷ has been lost in many groups, though in most cases this change is not regular. The labialisation component has been retained in some languages either as *w or as the labialisation prosody.
1Proto-Mafa *vaw body corps 1.1) Mafa (Barreteau) va corps 1.2) Cuvok (Gravina) vaw body corps
2Proto-Tera *va body corps 2.1) Tera (Newman) va body 2.2) Nyimatli (Harley) ku̱zu̱mdi va body 2.2.1) Nyimatli (Harley) ku̱zu̱mdi va skin (of man)
3Proto-Sukur *vɨ body corps 3.1) Sukur (David) və body 3.2) Sukur (Thomas) və body:the hole physical structure of human and an animal.
4Proto-Mandara *ɣʷɨvɨ body corps 4.1) Matal (Branger) vək body corps 4.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) kava corps 4.2.1) Podoko (Swackhammer) nava,-ə corps 4.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) vua corps (m) 4.4) Malgwa (Löhr) vuwe body 4.5) Glavda (Owens) v body 4.6) Dghwede (Frick) vəga body
5Proto-Mofu *vaw body corps 5.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) vò body corps 5.2) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) vò self soi 5.3) Muyang (Smith) vu body, self corps, soi-même 5.4) Mada (Nkoumou) va, mla ava vá corps 5.5) Moloko (Friesen) va body corps 5.6) Zulgo (Haller) ba corps m. 5.6.1) Zulgo (Haller) bá, də̀rvà se 5.6.2) Zulgo (Haller) bá, də̀rvà corps m. 5.7) Gemzek (Sabatai) ba body corps 5.8) Merey (Gravina) ba body corps 5.9) Dugwor (Jubumna) ba body corps 5.10) Mofu North (Barreteau) váw le corps
6Proto-Maroua *va ʷ body corps 6.1) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) vo body corps
7Proto-Lamang *ɣɨva body corps 7.1) Lamang (Wolff) ɣvà body 7.2) Hdi (Bramlett) vəɣa body le corps
8Proto-Higi *ɣʷɨva body corps 8.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) gʷa body 8.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) gʷo body 8.3) Kirya (Blench) və̀ body 8.4) Psikye (Angelo) gəva body 8.5) Bana (Lienhard) vɣà corps
Comments (0)

 

ɣʷɨvi n. faeces selles (7 groups, 15 languages) A syn: zaj, ᵑgʷɨ.
The initial *ɣʷ is retained only in the Lamang group, and its loss is irregular in almost all cases. In Proto-Daba it has been lost, and in Proto-Bata, Proto-Sukur and Proto-Higi the labialisation component has transferred to the *v, which is a common sporadic process. There is support for *i in all groups where this vowel has been retained.
1Proto-Bata *vʷi faeces selles 1.1) Jimi (Djibi) vʷin Selles, matières fécales 1.2) Sharwa (Gravina) vʷaj selles, excrement
2Proto-Daba *ŋva faeces selles 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) ŋvɑ excrement, faeces excrément 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) ŋvɑ excrement, faeces excrément 2.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) ŋva excrement excrément
3Proto-Sukur *vʷɨ faeces selles 3.1) Sukur (David) vu faeces 3.2) Sukur (Thomas) vu faeces
4Proto-Margi *kivi faeces selles 4.1) Bura (Blench) kivi Excrement, dung, faeces 4.1.1) Bura (Blench) tʃivi Refuse, faeces. (See kivi) 4.2) Kilba (Schuh) ibi faeces
5Proto-Mandara *gʷɨvɨ faeces selles 5.1) Mandara (Fluckiger) ugve selles (f. pl.) 5.2) Malgwa (Löhr) ugve dung, faeces 5.3) Glavda (Nghagyiva) gùva excrement, faeces 5.4) Dghwede (Frick) gəve excrement
6Proto-Lamang *ɣuvi faeces selles 6.1) Lamang (Wolff) ɣuvi excrement 6.2) Hdi (Bramlett) ɣuvi feces, stool l'excrément
7Proto-Higi *vʷi faeces selles 7.1) Kirya (Blench) vʷí faeces
Comments (0)

 

ɣʷɨvɨn ʸ nm. charcoal charbon de bois (14 groups, 30 languages) B
This root is well attested across the Cental Chadic languages. The final *n has the reflex *r in the Mandara and Mofu groups, as part of a regular change. However this change should have affected the Margi group, but has not. The change *n to *ŋ in several other groups is also regular, as is the change *v to *f in Proto-Kotoko North. The initial *ɣʷ has the unestablished reflexes *hʷ in Proto-Hurza and *ᵑgʷ in Proto-Daba. There is also a glottal reflex, probably from the unestablished sequence *ɣ→*g→*ʔ. In Moloko this is realised as /ɗ/. In Proto-Kotoko North the glottal has then fused with the *f to create the ejective *fʼ, which is a common sporadic process. In some groups the fricative component of *ɣʷ has been lost, leaving the labialisation component. This has the reflex *w in Mser, and is reanalysed as the labialisation prosody in Proto-Daba and Proto-Maroua, another common sporadic process. The labialisation has attached to another consonant in Proto-Margi. There is evidence for the palatalisation prosody from Proto-Bata, Proto-Margi, Proto-Mofu, Proto-Lamang, Proto-Higi and Proto-Musgum. In some cases the prosody has been vocalised.
1Proto-Bata *ivɨnɨ ʸ charcoal charbon 1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) ìvə̀njínə charcoal. 1.2) Sharwa (Gravina) avihi charbon
2Proto-Daba *ᵑgʷɨvan ʷ charcoal charbon 2.1) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) ŋɡuvoŋ charcoal charbon de bois 2.2) Daba (Lienhard) ᵑgə̀vānʼ le charbon de bois
3Proto-Mafa *vaŋ charcoal charbon 3.1) Mafa (Ndokobai) vaŋ charbon
4Proto-Sukur *vin charcoal charbon de bois 4.1) Sukur (David) vin charcoal charbon
5Proto-Hurza *hʷɨvan charcoal charbon 5.1) Mbuko (Gravina) uvon charcoal charbon 5.2) Vame (Kinnaird) hùvàn coal charbon
6Proto-Margi *vʷɨni charcoal charbon 6.1) Bura (Blench) vina Charcoal charbon 6.2) Margi (Hoffman) vunji charcoal charbon 6.3) Margi South (Harley) uvʷiᵑgi charcoal 6.3.1) Margi South (Harley) uvʷunji charcoal
7Proto-Mandara *ɣʷɨvɨrɨ charcoal charbon 7.1) Matal (Branger) aval charcoal charbon 7.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) uvara,-ə charbon 7.3) Glavda (Nghagyiva) ʁùvɾa charcoal charbon
8Proto-Mofu *ɣʷavar ʸ charcoal charbon 8.1) Moloko (Friesen) ɗever carbon charbon 8.2) Zulgo (Haller) aver charbon (m.) de bois 8.2.1) Zulgo (Haller) avér charbon (m.) de bois 8.3) Gemzek (Sabatai) aver charcoal charbon de bois 8.4) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ávaŋʷ charbon de bois
9Proto-Maroua *avɨn ʷ charcoal charbon 9.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) vù Mj, Mt), avoŋ, avu (Mv) (j) charbons éteints
10Proto-Lamang *ɣʷɨvani charcoal charbon 10.1) Lamang (Wolff) ɣuvini charcoal 10.2) Hdi (Bramlett) vwani charcoal le charbon de bois
11Proto-Higi *vɨʔʲɨn charcoal charbon 11.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) vjə charcoal charbon 11.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) vəno charcoal charbon 11.3) Bana (Lienhard) və̀ʼì charbon
12Proto-Kotoko North *fʼanfʼan charcoal charbon 12.1) Afade (Allison) fʼanfaʔn charcoal charbon de bois 12.2) Mpade (Allison) fònfòn charcoal charbon de bois 12.3) Malgbe (Allison) fanfan charcoal charbon de bois
13Proto-Kotoko Centre *wɨvan charcoal charbon 13.1) Mser (Allison) uvan charcoal charbon de bois
14Proto-Musgum *avaŋ ʸ charcoal charbon 14.1) Vulum (Tourneux) aveŋ charbon de bois 14.1.1) Vulum (Tourneux) aŋveŋ charbon de bois 14.2) Muskum (Tourneux) vet charbon de bois
Comments (0)