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ɗiɬ nm. bone os (14 groups, 43 languages) B syn: kɨrakaɬ ʸ.
This widely-attested root is close to the root *ɗɨɬɨj 'egg', but the presence of *i in the root rather than a final *j makes a big difference to the reflexes in individual languages. The initial *ɗ is realised as *t in Proto-Mafa, Proto-Sukur, Proto-Mofu and Proto-Maroua, an unestablished change. It has been lost in many groups, triggering compensatory reduplication in the Mandara and Kotoko South groups, and in some Mofu group languages. It has fused with the *i in the Tera and Higi groups to create a palatalised glottal or a velar implosive. In the Kotoko North and South groups it has fused with the *ɬ to create an ejective. These fusion processes are common sporadic changes. The *ɬ is expected to have the reflex *ɮ in the groups of the South sub-branch, but for this root it is only the case in the Bata group. Within the Bata group there is a subsequent change *ɮ to *l. In the Margi group and in Mandara and Malgwa in the Mandara group, *ɬ has become palatalised by processes originating with *i, and *ɬʲ has then been velarised to /hʲ/ as part of a regular process. Regular processes give *ɬ the reflexes *s in the Proto-Kotoko South and Mser, /ʃ/ in Mpade and /h/ in Buduma. In Mser the /ʃ/ is due to the effect of the front vowel on *s.

1Proto-Bata *iɮɨ bone os 1.1) Bachama (Skinner) uule bone 1.2) Gude (Hoskinson) ìlá -ə bone. 1.3) Jimi (Djibi) ilən Os 1.4) Sharwa (Gravina) allə os 1.5) Tsuvan (Johnston) iɮe l'os

2Proto-Mafa *taɬ, ɬaɬar bone os 2.1) Mafa (Barreteau) táɬ os 2.2) Cuvok (Gravina) ɬaɬar bone os

3Proto-Tera *ɠɨɬi bone os 3.1) Tera (Newman) ɠəɬ bone 3.2) Nyimatli (Harley) qu̱ɬi bone 3.3) Gaʼanda (Gwaji) ela bone

4Proto-Sukur *taɬ bone os 4.1) Sukur (David) taɬ bone 4.2) Sukur (Thomas) taɬ bone; any of the hard parts that form the skeleton of the body of a human and an animal.

5Proto-Margi *ɗaɬɨ ʸ bone os 5.1) Bura (Blench) ɗjàhù Bone 5.2) Kilba (Schuh) ɗihji bone

6Proto-Mandara *ɬaɬi bone os 6.1) Matal (Branger) aɬaɬ bone os 6.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) ɬaɬa,-ə os 6.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) hjáhjé os (m) 6.4) Malgwa (Löhr) hjehje bone 6.5) Glavda (Owens) ła bone 6.5.1) Glavda (Nghagyiva) ɬàɬa bone 6.6) Dghwede (Frick) ɬaɬa bone

7Proto-Mofu *ɨtaɬ bone os 7.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) àɬàɬ bone os 7.2) Muyang (Smith) ɑɬɑt bone os 7.3) Mada (Nkoumou) aɬaɬ os 7.4) Zulgo (Haller) atáɬ os m. 7.5) Gemzek (Sabatai) ataɬ bone os 7.6) Merey (Gravina) mətaɬ bone os 7.7) Dugwor (Jubumna) mətaɬ bone os 7.8) Mofu North (Barreteau) ⁿdàɬ os

8Proto-Maroua *ataɬ ʸ bone os 8.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) teɬ(e), ateɬ(Mv), eteɬ (j) os, arrête 8.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) ateɬ bone os 8.3) Mbazla (Tourneux) ʼaʼaɬ os

9Proto-Higi *ʔʲiɬɨ bone os 9.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) ʼjithlə bone 9.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) iɬa bone 9.3) Kirya (Blench) íɬə́ bone 9.4) Bana (Lienhard) éɬêr os (pl.) 9.4.1) Bana (Lienhard) ʼjíɬə́ os

10Proto-Kotoko Island *ahaj bone os 10.1) Buduma (McKone) ahaj bone os

11Proto-Kotoko North *enslʼi bone os 11.1) Afade (Allison) enɬʼi bone os 11.2) Mpade (Allison) ènʃí bone os 11.3) Malgbe (Allison) enɬɨ bone os

12Proto-Kotoko Centre *eɬi bone os 12.1) Lagwan (Allison) aɬɨ bone os 12.2) Mser (Allison) enʃi bone os

13Proto-Kotoko South *asisʼɨ bone os 13.1) Zina (Odden) àsàsə̀ bone os 13.2) Mazera (Allison) asisʼe bone os

14Proto-Gidar *ɬaŋɬaŋ ʸ bone os 14.1) Gidar (Hungerford) ɬeŋɬeŋ os 14.2) Gidar (Schuh) ɬeᵑgɬeᵑg os
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ɗɨjɨkʷ n. bird oiseau (9 groups, 31 languages) A
This is the generic term for a small bird. The initial *ɗ is attested in most groups. In Sukur, Margi South, Kilba, Mandara, Margi and Bana the *ɗ and *j have fused to create /ʔʲ/, which is a common sporadic process. In the Tera group the *j has probably been reanalysed as the palatalisation prosody, and in Bura and Dghwede it has been reanalysed as a vowel. The labialisation on the *kʷ is reconstructed on the basis of its presence in the Margi group, with support from the Higi, Maroua and Mofu groups. The reason for the development of *ŋʷ in the Mofu group is unclear.

1Proto-Mafa *ɗɨjak bird oiseau 1.1) Mafa (Barreteau) ɗijak oiseau. nom gén. des petits oiseaux 1.2) Cuvok (Gravina) ɗijak bird oiseau

2Proto-Tera *ɗiki bird oiseau 2.1) Tera (Newman) ɗiki bird 2.2) Nyimatli (Harley) djika bird

3Proto-Sukur *ʔʲak bird oiseau 3.1) Sukur (David) ʼjak bird 3.2) Sukur (Thomas) ʼjak bird;- is a general term for flying birds.

4Proto-Margi *ɗɨjakʷ bird oiseau 4.1) Bura (Blench) ɗíká Bird 4.2) Margi (Hoffman) ʼikji bird 4.3) Margi South (Hoffman) ʼjagu bird 4.4) Kilba (Hoffman) ʼjagu bird 4.4.1) Kilba (Schuh) ʼjaku/ə bird

5Proto-Mandara *ɗɨjak bird oiseau 5.1) Matal (Branger) ɗəjaŋ, ɗijaŋ bird oiseau 5.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) ɗija,-a oiseau 5.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) ƴie oiseau (m) 5.4) Malgwa (Löhr) ɠjije bird gen. 5.5) Glavda (Nghagyiva) ɗìːka bird 5.5.1) Glavda (Owens) ďií bird 5.6) Dghwede (Frick) tʼiᵑge bird

6Proto-Mofu *ɗɨjɨŋʷ bird oiseau 6.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) āɗēŋʷ oiseau 6.2) Muyang (Smith) eɗiŋ bird (general word) oiseau (mot général) 6.3) Moloko (Friesen) eɗəjen bird oiseau 6.4) Zulgo (Haller) ɗijeŋ oiseau m. 6.5) Gemzek (Sabatai) dijiŋ bird oiseau 6.5.1) Gemzek (Sabatai) ɗijiŋ bird oiseau 6.6) Merey (Gravina) ɗijeŋ bird oiseau 6.7) Dugwor (Jubumna) ɗijeŋ bird oiseau 6.8) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ɗijaŋ oiseau (nom gén.)

7Proto-Maroua *ɗɨjɨw bird oiseau 7.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) ɗiju(w) oiseau (en général) 7.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) ɗijew bird oiseau 7.3) Mbazla (Tourneux) ɗijaw oiseau

8Proto-Lamang *ɗɨjak bird oiseau 8.1) Lamang (Wolff) ɗíjáká bird 8.2) Hdi (Bramlett) ɗijak bird l'oiseau

9Proto-Higi *ɗɨjɨkʷɨ bird oiseau 9.1) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) ijo bird 9.2) Kirya (Blench) íkə́ bird 9.3) Bana (Lienhard) ʼjìgʷù oiseau
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ɗɨjɨm nm. water eau (17 groups, 53 languages) A
The *ɗ is reconstructed on the evidence from the Bata, Tera, Hurza, Kotoko South and Musgum groups. In all of these groups there is evidence for a glottal element, in most cases [ʔ]. In the Tera group the *ɗ and *j have fused to form /ɗʲ/.

1Proto-Bata *maʔi water eau 1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) màʼínə water 1.2) Jimi (Djibi) maʼi Eau 1.3) Sharwa (Gravina) maʼi eau

2Proto-Daba *jɨm water eau 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) jɑm water eau 2.1.1) Buwal (Viljoen) jɑm colour couleur 2.1.2) Buwal (Viljoen) jɑm juice jus 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) jəm water eau 2.2.1) Gavar (Viljoen) jəm colour couleur 2.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) jim water eau 2.4) Daba (Lienhard) jə̄m l'eau

3Proto-Mafa *jam water eau 3.1) Mafa (Ndokobai) jam water eau 3.2) Cuvok (Gravina) jam water eau

4Proto-Tera *ɗʲɨm water eau 4.1) Tera (Newman) ƴim water 4.2) Nyimatli (Harley) ɗjim water 4.3) Hwana (Harley) āːmá water

5Proto-Sukur *jam water eau 5.1) Sukur (David) ijam water, rain 5.2) Sukur (Thomas) jam water

6Proto-Hurza *aʔam water eau 6.1) Mbuko (Gravina) aʼam water eau 6.2) Vame (Kinnaird) āhʷám water eau

7Proto-Margi *jimi water eau 7.1) Margi (Hoffman) ʼimi water 7.2) Margi South (Harley) imi water 7.3) Bura (Blench) jimi Water

8Proto-Mandara *jɨwɨ water eau 8.1) Matal (Branger) jːāw water eau 8.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) jəwá,-ə eau, jus 8.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) jawe eau (f) 8.4) Malgwa (Löhr) jawe water 8.5) Glavda (Nghagyiva) jùwa water 8.5.1) Glavda (Owens) íi water 8.5.2) Glavda (Owens) ju water, color 8.6) Dghwede (Frick) jiwe water

9Proto-Mofu *jam water eau 9.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) jàm water eau 9.2) Muyang (Smith) jam water ; colour ; interest l'eau; couleur; intérêt 9.3) Moloko (Friesen) jam water eau 9.4) Zulgo (Haller) jam eau f. 9.5) Gemzek (Sabatai) jam l' eau 9.6) Merey (Gravina) jam water eau 9.7) Dugwor (Jubumna) jam water eau 9.7.1) Dugwor (Jubumna) jam juice jus 9.8) Mofu North (Barreteau) jàm eau 9.9) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) jam water eau ; jus

10Proto-Maroua *jam water eau 10.1) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) jam water eau 10.2) Mbazla (Tourneux) jam eau

11Proto-Lamang *imi water eau 11.1) Lamang (Wolff) ímí water 11.2) Hdi (Bramlett) imi water l'eau

12Proto-Higi *jame water eau 12.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) jame water 12.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) jemji water 12.3) Kirya (Blench) jàmə́ water 12.4) Psikye (Angelo) jemú water 12.5) Bana (Lienhard) jàm eau

13Proto-Kotoko Island *amaj water eau 13.1) Buduma (McKone) amaj water eau

14Proto-Kotoko North *ame water eau 14.1) Afade (Allison) ame water eau 14.2) Mpade (Allison) àmé water eau 14.3) Malgbe (Allison) am water eau

15Proto-Kotoko Centre *am water eau 15.1) Lagwan (Allison) am water eau 15.2) Mser (Allison) am water eau

16Proto-Kotoko South *aʔɨm water eau 16.1) Zina (Odden) ámí water eau 16.2) Mazera (Allison) aʔɨm water eau

17Proto-Musgum *ʔɨjam water eau 17.1) Vulum (Tourneux) jem eau 17.2) Mbara (Tourneux) ʼam water 17.3) Muskum (Tourneux) jamu eau
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ɗɨkɨn ʸ nm. claw, fingernail griffe, ongle (6 groups, 10 languages) A
The languages where this root is attested are relatively few, but spread over a wide area. This may indicate that the root did exist in Proto-Central Chadic. The initial *ɗ is realised as /r/ in Cuvok, which is an unestablished change, and in the Kotoko North and Centre groups it has fused with the *k to create the velar ejective *kʼ, which is a common sporadic process. There is no known process to account for the initial /h/ in Mazera. In Kotoko North and Centre, there is prenasalisation of the initial consonant, a common sporadic process. The *k has the reflex /h/ in Cuvok and Hdi, an unestablished process. The final *n has become /ŋ/ in Cuvok, Mbazla and Hdi, which is a regular change. The change *n to /r/ in Maltam and Mser is a common but non-systematic process. The reconstruction of the palatalisation prosody is supported by the presence of the prosody in Cuvok and Mbazla.

1Proto-Mafa *rɨhaŋ ʸ claw griffe 1.1) Cuvok (Gravina) rəheŋ fingernail ongle 1.1.1) Cuvok (Gravina) rəheŋ claw griffe

2Proto-Maroua *ɗɨkɨŋ ʸ claw griffe 2.1) Mbazla (Tourneux) ɗikiŋ griffe, ongle 2.1.1) Mbazla (SILSurvey) lìkíŋ claw griffe

3Proto-Lamang *ɗahɨŋ claw griffe 3.1) Hdi (Bramlett) ɗahəŋ claw, fingernail la griffe, l'ongle

4Proto-Kotoko North *nkʼan claw griffe 4.1) Afade (Allison) nkʼan fingernail ongle 4.2) Mpade (Allison) nkʼan claw griffe 4.2.1) Mpade (Allison) nkʼan fingernail ongle 4.3) Malgbe (Allison) nkʼɨn claw griffe 4.3.1) Malgbe (Allison) nkʼɨn fingernail ongle 4.4) Maltam (Allison) ᵑgare claw griffe

5Proto-Kotoko Centre *nkʼɨn claw griffe 5.1) Lagwan (Allison) nkʼɨni claw griffe 5.2) Mser (Allison) nkʼɨr claw griffe 5.2.1) Mser (Allison) nkʼɨr fingernail ongle

6Proto-Kotoko South *hɨkɨne claw griffe 6.1) Mazera (Allison) kʷare; hɨkɨne; hakane fingernail ongle
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ɗɨɬ ʸ v. hatch éclore (5 groups, 6 languages) A cf: ɗɨɬɨj; cf: tsaɬ ʸ.
This root is related to *ɗɨɬɨj 'egg'. In Buwal and Cuvok, the palatalisation prosody has caused *ɗʲ to become *j.

1Proto-Daba *jaɬ hatch éclore 1.1) Buwal (Viljoen) jɑɬ hatch éclore 1.1.1) Buwal (Viljoen) jɑɬ produce produire

2Proto-Mafa *jɨɬa hatch éclore 2.1) Cuvok (Gravina) jiɬa hatch éclore

3Proto-Hurza ɗɨɬ ʸ hatch éclore 3.1) Mbuko (Gravina) ɗəɗeɬ hatch éclore 3.2) Vame (Kinnaird) ɗūɬíjā hatch éclore

4Proto-Mofu ɗɨɬ ʸ hatch éclore 4.1) Muyang (Smith) ɗiɬ hatch éclore

5Proto-Gidar *wɨdaɬa ʸ hatch éclore 5.1) Gidar (Hungerford) wədeɬe éclore
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ɗɨɬɨj nm. egg œuf (16 groups, 50 languages) A cf: ɗɨɬ ʸ.
This is one of the most widely attested roots that have been reconstructed. There is significant variety in the realisations, where we can see evidence of most of the significant processes that have taken place in Central Chadic. In the Daba and Musgum groups there has been metathesis of the *ɗ and the *ɬ, and in the Higi group there has been metathesis of the *ɬ and *j. Metathesis is common, but not predictable. In the Maroua and Musgum groups, the *ɗ has become *t, though this change has not been established as a regular change. In many groups the *ɗ has been lost, and this has triggered compensatory reduplication in the Mafa, Margi and Lamang groups, and compensatory prefixation in the Daba group. The final *j has been reanalysed as the palatalisation prosody in Proto-Daba, Proto-Margi and Proto-Maroua, and as a vowel in Proto-Bata, Proto-Kotoko South and Proto-Lamang. These processes are all common, but not predictable. The *ɬ has become *ɮ in the languages of the South sub-branch, i.e. Proto-Bata, Proto-Daba and Proto-Sukur, as part of a regular process, though not in the Mafa group. There is a subsequent regular change *ɮ to /l/ within the Bata group. In the Margi group and Glavda from the Mandara group, the *j or the palatalisation prosody has created *ɬʲ, which is then velarised as part of a regular sporadic process affecting palatalised alveolar consonants, resulting in /hʲ/. *ɬ is realised as /s/ in the Kotoko South group and Mser, and as /ʃ/ in Mpade, both of which are regular processes. The prenasalisation found in some of the Kotoko groups is a common sporadic process.

1Proto-Bata *ɗaɮi egg oeuf 1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) àlínə egg. 1.2) Jimi (Djibi) alin Oeuf 1.3) Sharwa (Gravina) alli oeuf, oeux 1.4) Bata (Boyd) ɗùùle egg

2Proto-Daba *naɮɨɗ ʸ egg oeuf 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) neɬe egg œuf 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) ɑnɬi egg œuf 2.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) miɬiɗ egg œuf 2.4) Daba (Lienhard) nèɮī ʼ l'oeuf

3Proto-Mafa *ɬaɬaj egg oeuf 3.1) Mafa (Ndokobai) ɬaɬaj oeuf 3.2) Cuvok (Gravina) ɬeɬej egg œuf

4Proto-Sukur *ɗaᵑgaɮaj egg oeuf 4.1) Sukur (David) ⁿdaŋaɮaj egg 4.2) Sukur (Thomas) ɗaᵑgaɮai egg

5Proto-Hurza *ɬaj egg oeuf 5.1) Mbuko (Gravina) ɬaj egg(s) oeuf, oeux 5.2) Vame (Kinnaird) ɮáj egg oeuf

6Proto-Margi *ɬɨɬɨ ʸ egg oeuf 6.1) Margi (Hoffman) ihji egg 6.2) Kilba (Schuh) hjihji egg(s) 6.3) Bura (Blench) hihi Egg

7Proto-Mandara *ɗɨɬɨja egg oeuf 7.1) Matal (Branger) ɬaɬaj egg oeuf 7.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) ɬɨɬe,-i oeuf 7.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) ɬájá oeuf (m) 7.4) Malgwa (Löhr) thlaja egg(s) 7.5) Glavda (Owens) çi egg, testes 7.5.1) Glavda (Nghagyiva) çìːja egg 7.6) Dghwede (Frick) ɬəɬe egg

8Proto-Mofu *ɗɨɬɨj egg oeuf 8.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) ɬàɬáj egg oeuf 8.2) Muyang (Smith) ejɬi egg oeuf 8.2.1) Muyang (Smith) ejɬi egg oeuf 8.3) Moloko (Friesen) eɬeɬeɗ egg oeuf 8.4) Zulgo (Haller) ɬèɬé oeuf m. 8.5) Gemzek (Sabatai) ɗəɬe egg œuf 8.6) Merey (Gravina) ɗəɬe egg œuf 8.6.1) Merey (Gravina) ɗəɬe egg œuf 8.7) Dugwor (Jubumna) aɬaj egg œuf 8.8) Mofu North (Barreteau) ɬéɬēɗ oeuf 8.9) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ɬeɬéɗ oeuf

9Proto-Maroua *ataɬ ʸ egg oeuf 9.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) teɬ(e), ateɬ(Mv), eteɬ (j) oeuf 9.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) ateɬ egg œuf 9.3) Mbazla (Tourneux) aɬaj œuf

10Proto-Lamang *ɬiɬi egg oeuf 10.1) Lamang (Wolff) ɬíɬí eggs 10.2) Hdi (Bramlett) ɬiɬik egg l'oeuf

11Proto-Higi *jɨɬɨ egg oeuf 11.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) ɬiɬə egg 11.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) jəɬe egg 11.3) Kirya (Blench) ɬìɬí kòntə́ká egg 11.4) Bana (Lienhard) ɬìɬì oeufs

12Proto-Kotoko North *enɬɨ egg oeuf 12.1) Afade (Allison) enɬo egg œuf 12.2) Mpade (Allison) ènʃó egg œuf 12.3) Malgbe (Allison) enɬɨ egg œuf

13Proto-Kotoko Centre *enɬɨ egg oeuf 13.1) Lagwan (Allison) nɬɨ egg œuf 13.2) Mser (Allison) ensɨ egg œuf

14Proto-Kotoko South *nsi egg oeuf 14.1) Zina (Odden) nsí egg œuf

15Proto-Musgum *ɮat ʸ egg oeuf 15.1) Vulum (Tourneux) eŋɮe oeuf 15.2) Mbara (Tourneux) ŋɮa egg 15.3) Muskum (Tourneux) ɮet oeuf

16Proto-Gidar *ɗaᵑgɮa ʸ egg oeuf 16.1) Gidar (Schuh) ɗeᵑgɮe/e oeuf 16.2) Gidar (Hungerford) ɗeŋle, ɗeŋleɗe oeuf, oeufs
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ɗɨrɨnɨh ʸ n. tongue langue (4 groups, 18 languages) C syn: ɣanaɗ ʸ, naɬɨj.
This root is difficult to establish. The initial *ɗ has support from some languages in the Mofu and Maroua groups, either as /ɗ/ or as /ʔ/. The medial *n is expected to have become *r in the Mandara group and parts of the Mofu group, whilst the *r should have become *l in all the groups that are represented except the Mafa group. It is possible that the resulting sequence was reduced from *lɨr to *lr to *r in the Mandara and Mofu groups, which would explain the surface forms that we find. The /l/ in Matal is a regular change from the resulting *r. The *ɗ and *h have both been lost in many languages, which is a common sporadic change. In Mandara and Malgwa, the loss of the *ɗ has triggered compensatory prefixation of /n/. The palatalisation prosody is present in three of the four groups.

1Proto-Mafa *lanaŋ ʸ tongue langue 1.1) Mafa (Barreteau) léné langue 1.1.1) Mafa (Barreteau) léʼén langue 1.2) Cuvok (Gravina) neneŋ tongue langue

2Proto-Mandara *ɨrɨh tongue langue 2.1) Matal (Branger) ālàh tongue langue 2.2) Mandara (Fluckiger) nara langue (f) 2.3) Malgwa (Löhr) nare tongue 2.4) Glavda (Nghagyiva) ɛ̄ɾɛ̄xa tongue 2.5) Dghwede (Frick) rəxe tongue

3Proto-Mofu *ɗɨrɨnah ʸ tongue langue 3.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) màró tongue langue 3.2) Muyang (Smith) arəɗ tongue ; bud langue; bourgeon 3.3) Mada (Nkoumou) árra langue 3.4) Moloko (Friesen) ́hərnek tongue langue 3.5) Zulgo (Haller) àràh langue f. 3.6) Gemzek (Sabatai) arah tongue langue 3.7) Merey (Gravina) ɗərneh langue 3.8) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) neneh langue (organe) (Gud.) 3.8.1) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ɗərne langue (organe) (Mokong)

4Proto-Maroua *ɗɨrna ʸ tongue langue 4.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) ʼirne, irne langue 4.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) irne tongue langue 4.2.1) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) irne language langue, langage 4.3) Mbazla (Tourneux) ne langue 4.3.1) Mbazla (SILSurvey) nɛ́ʼ tongue langue
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ɗɨwah nf. breast sein (13 groups, 42 languages) A
The basic sense of the root is 'breast', but in many languages it is also covers the concept 'milk'. The history of the root is complicated due to the fact that all three of the consonants in the root are prone to reanalysis or loss. The initial *ɗ is only retained in some languages of the Mofu and Maroua groups. In many cases it has fused with the *w to create either *ʔʷ or *ɓ, which is a common sporadic process. It has been lost in the Mafa and Kotoko Centre groups. The final *h has been lost in the majority of languages, but is retained in the Meri subgroup of the Mofu group. When the *w has not fused with *ɗ, it is retained.

1Proto-Bata *ʔʷa breast sein 1.1) Bata (Boyd) wàto uncooked fresh milk, lait cru 1.2) Gude (Hoskinson) ʼwánə (inher. poss., body part) breast, milk 1.3) Jimi (Djibi) wan lait 1.4) Sharwa (Gravina) ʼwa sein, lait 1.5) Tsuvan (Johnston) ʼwakən le lait

2Proto-Daba *ʔʷa breast sein 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) breast; milk; udder sein; lait; pis, mamelle 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) ŋʼwɑ udder; breast; milk mamelle; sein (mamelle); lait 2.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) wa udder; breast pis, mamelle; sein (mamelle)

3Proto-Mafa *wa breast sein 3.1) Mafa (Barreteau) wa sein 3.2) Cuvok (Gravina) wa breast; udder sein (mamelle); pis, mamelle

4Proto-Tera *ɓiɓi breast sein 4.1) Tera (Newman) ɓuɓu, ɓiɓi breast, fem. 4.2) Nyimatli (Harley) ɓiɓi breast

5Proto-Sukur *ʔʷa breast, milk sein, lait 5.1) Sukur (David) ʼwa breast 5.2) Sukur (Thomas) ʼwa breast; milk:- is a milk from the breast of either human female and animals.

6Proto-Margi *ʔɨwa breast sein 6.1) Bura (Blench) ʼùwà Woman’s breast 6.2) Margi (Hoffman) uʼwa breast, milk 6.3) Margi South (Harley) uʼwa breast 6.4) Kilba (Schuh) ʼwa breast; milk

7Proto-Mandara *wɨɓa breast sein 7.1) Matal (Branger) awa breast sein 7.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) uɓa,-a sein; lait 7.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) ube mamelle (f), sein (m), tétine (f) 7.4) Malgwa (Löhr) uuɓe breast, female 7.5) Glavda (Nghagyiva) ùːɓa breast 7.6) Dghwede (Frick) wupʼa breast, milk

8Proto-Mofu *ɗɨwah breast sein 8.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) āɗūwá breast; milk sein; lait 8.2) Muyang (Smith) ɗuwɑ breast ; milk lait; mamelle; sein 8.3) Mada (Nkoumou) ɗwa lait; sein (mamelle) 8.4) Zulgo (Haller) àwàh lait m.; sein m. 8.5) Gemzek (Sabatai) awah breast sein (mamelle) 8.6) Merey (Gravina) wah udder; breast pis, mamelle; sein (mamelle) 8.7) Dugwor (Jubumna) awah udder; breast pis, mamelle; sein (mamelle) 8.8) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ɗəwá sein, mamelle, pis; lait

9Proto-Maroua *ɗɨwa breast sein 9.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) ɗuwa lait, sein, mamelle 9.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) ɗuwa breast; udder sein (mamelle); pis, mamelle 9.3) Mbazla (Tourneux) ʼwa sein, lait 9.3.1) Mbazla (SILSurvey) wāʼ breast sein

10Proto-Lamang *ɗɨwa breast sein 10.1) Lamang (Wolff) úɓá breast, milk 10.2) Hdi (Bramlett) uʼa breast le sein

11Proto-Higi *ʔʷa breast sein 11.1) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) uwo breast (women's) 11.2) Kirya (Blench) ʼwá breast, milk 11.3) Bana (Lienhard) ʼwá lait, sein

12Proto-Kotoko North *eʔʷi breast sein 12.1) Afade (Allison) eʔwi breast sein (mamelle) 12.2) Maltam (Allison) eᵐbi breast sein (mamelle)

13Proto-Kotoko Centre *iwi breast sein 13.1) Lagwan (Allison) iwi breast; udder sein (mamelle); pis, mamelle
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gaᵑga n. small drum petit tambour (16 groups, 30 languages) A cf: daŋ.
This is a widespread shared root that does not go back to proto-Central Chadic. It spread with the introduction of the instrument in question.

1Proto-Bata *gaᵑga drum tambour 1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) gàᵑgá drum 1.2) Sharwa (Gravina) gaᵑga tamtam, tambour

2Proto-Daba *kaᵑgaŋ medium-sized drum tambour moyen 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) kɑᵑgɑŋ drum, medium sized tambour moyen

3Proto-Mafa *gaᵑga small two-skinned drum petit tambour à deux peaux 3.1) Mafa (Barreteau) gaᵑga tambour à deux peaux 3.2) Cuvok (Gravina) gaᵑgaŋ small drum petit tambour

4Proto-Tera *gʷɨgaŋ big drum grand tambour 4.1) Nyimatli (Harley) gugaᵑg big(gest) drum

5Proto-Hurza *gaᵑga drum tam-tam 5.1) Mbuko (Gravina) gaᵑgan drum tam-tam 5.2) Vame (Kinnaird) gàŋkà drum ; tom tom tam-tam

6Proto-Margi *gaᵑga drum tambour 6.1) Bura (Blench) gaᵑga Drum Generic term for any drum Also applied specifically to the two-headed, barrel-shaped drum with snares beaten with a hooked stick and hand 6.2) Margi (Hoffman) kaᵑga drum

7Proto-Mandara *gaᵑga drum tambour 7.1) Podoko (Swackhammer) gáŋəka tam-tam 7.2) Mandara (Fluckiger) gaᵑga tamtam (m) 7.3) Malgwa (Löhr) gaᵑga drum gen. 7.4) Glavda (Owens) gaŋ drum

8Proto-Mofu *gaᵑgaŋ drum tambout 8.1) Muyang (Smith) ɡɑŋ-ɡɑŋ tambour, tam-tam (mot général) 8.2) Moloko (Friesen) gəᵑgan drum tambour 8.3) Gemzek (Sabatai) gaŋaŋ small drum petit tambour 8.3.1) Gemzek (Sabatai) gagaŋ tamtam 8.4) Merey (Gravina) gaᵑgaŋ small drum petit tambour, tam-tam 8.4.1) Merey (Gravina) gaŋaŋ tam-tam 8.5) Mofu North (Barreteau) gàᵑgàŋ tambour 8.6) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ́gaᵑgaŋ tambour

9Proto-Maroua *gaᵑgaŋ medium drum tambour moyen 9.1) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) gaᵑgaŋ medium drum tambour moyen

10Proto-Lamang *gaᵑga drum tambour 10.1) Lamang (Wolff) gaᵑga drum

11Proto-Higi *gaᵑga small drum petit tambour 11.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) gaᵑga drum 11.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) gaᵑga small(est) drum

12Proto-Kotoko Island *gaᵑga small drum petit tambour 12.1) Buduma (McKone) gaᵑga tamtam.

13Proto-Kotoko North *gaᵑga drum tambour 13.1) Afade (Allison) gaᵑgan drum (sp.) tambour (sp.) 13.2) Mpade (Allison) kàᵑgá drum (sp.) tambour (sp.)

14Proto-Kotoko Centre *gaᵑga small drum petit tambour 14.1) Lagwan (Allison) gaᵑga small drum petit tambour

15Proto-Musgum *gaᵑga drum tambour 15.1) Mbara (Tourneux) gaᵑga drum (sp.) tambour d'aisselle

16Proto-Gidar *gaᵑga small drum petit tambour 16.1) Gidar (Hungerford) gaᵑga tam-tam, tamtam, tambour

17Kanuri gaᵑgá small drum petit tambour 17.1) Kanuri gaᵑgá drum (sp.) tambour (sp.)

18Hausa gàᵑgáa small drum petit tambour 18.1) Hausa gàᵑgáa drum (sp.) tambour (sp.)
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gɨr v. grow grandir (12 groups, 32 languages) A
The basic meaning is to grow with age, as a child does. It can also be used in many languages for rearing livestock. The *r has the reflex *l in the groups of the North sub-branch, and also Proto-Daba. The *g has the reflex *ɣ in Proto-Hurza, and *k in Proto-Margi and Proto-Higi. These are unestablished changes.

1Proto-Bata *gɨr grow grandir 1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) gərə grow, mature, become tall. 1.2) Jimi (Djibi) gərən Grandir ; 1.3) Tsuvan (Johnston) a gəlkən grandir

2Proto-Daba *gɨl grow grandir 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) gɑl grow up grandir 2.1.1) Buwal (Viljoen) gɑl raise élever 2.1.2) Buwal (Viljoen) ᵑgɑl grow old devenir vieux 2.1.3) Buwal (Viljoen) gɑ̀l ᵐbò bring up (a child) élever (un enfant) 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) gəl grow up grandir 2.2.1) Gavar (Viljoen) gəl enlargen agrandir 2.2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) gəl raise élever 2.2.3) Gavar (Viljoen) gəl domesticate, tame domestiquer, apprivoiser 2.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) ɡəl grow up grandir 2.3.1) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) kəɡil bring up (a child) élever (un enfant) 2.4) Daba (Lienhard) gə̄l grandir, croître ; élever 2.4.1) Daba (Lienhard) gə̀là protèger ; élever

3Proto-Mafa *gɨra grow grandir 3.1) Cuvok (Gravina) gəla grow up grandir 3.1.1) Cuvok (Gravina) gal ⁿda bring up (a child) élever (un enfant)

4Proto-Tera *gor grow grandir 4.1) Nyimatli (Harley) gori grow up 4.1.1) Nyimatli (Harley) gor grow (of plants)

5Proto-Sukur *gɨr grow grandir 5.1) Sukur (Thomas) gər grow; to increase in size, to become bigger or taller and develop into an adult, to become longer by not cutting it.

6Proto-Hurza *ɣɨra grow grandir 6.1) Mbuko (Gravina) har to grow bigger grandir 6.2) Vame (Kinnaird) ɣə̀rà grow ; increase grandir ; croître 6.2.1) Vame (Kinnaird) gə̀rà raise cattle ; rear cattle élever_le_bétail 6.2.2) Vame (Kinnaird) ɣàlà grow old ; age vieillir

7Proto-Margi *kila grow grandir 7.1) Bura (Blench) kila To grow

8Proto-Mandara *gɨla grow grandir 8.1) Podoko (Swackhammer) gə́la grandir 8.2) Mandara (Fluckiger) gélá nourrir, élever

9Proto-Mofu *gɨl grow grandir 9.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) gə̄léŋ raise animals éléver le bétail ; nourrir 9.2) Muyang (Smith) ɡɑl bring up ; feed élever 9.3) Mada (Nkoumou) magla coaguler 9.3.1) Mada (Nkoumou) magla éléver 9.4) Moloko (Friesen) gar grow up grandir; grossir 9.5) Zulgo (Haller) gə̀l bá devenir grand, grandir, grossir 9.6) Gemzek (Sabatai) gəl grow up grandir 9.6.1) Gemzek (Sabatai) megəle éléver 9.7) Merey (Gravina) gəl grow up grandir 9.8) Dugwor (Jubumna) məgəlej grow up grandir 9.8.1) Dugwor (Jubumna) məgəlej bring up (a child) élever (un enfant) 9.9) Mofu North (Barreteau) mégə̀lèj grandir, pousser, élever 9.10) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ́gəl raise grandir, pousser, élever (un enfant, un animal) 9.10.1) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ́gəl (fig.) devenir grave, aggraver

10Proto-Maroua *gɨl grow grandir 10.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) gil grandir, faire grandir, élever, engraisser 10.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) gəl grow up grandir 10.2.1) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) gla goɗ bring up (a child) élever (un enfant)

11Proto-Lamang *gɨla grow grandir 11.1) Lamang (Wolff) gla grow 11.2) Hdi (Bramlett) galaj to raise élever 11.2.1) Hdi (Bramlett) gəlaj to grow grandir 11.2.2) Hdi (Bramlett) halaj to grow old vieillir

12Proto-Higi *kɨl grow grandir 12.1) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) kəlo grow (of plants) 12.2) Kirya (Blench) kə̀l nurse, grow 12.3) Bana (Lienhard) k(ə̀)lì grandir, croître, faire grandir, augmenter les paroles, élever les animaux
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gɨʔʷ n. hole trou (4 groups, 11 languages) C syn: vɨgɨɗ ʸ.
This root is found in the Nigerian Plains area. It is reconstructed with *ʔʷ, though this phoneme is not reconstructed for Proto-Central Chadic. As such it represents a provisional reconstruction until more data is available. The *g has the reflex *k in Proto-Margi and Proto-Higi, both of which are unestablished changes.

1Proto-Bata *gɨʔʷ hole trou 1.1) Bata (Boyd) gʷe hole 1.2) Jimi (Djibi) guʼun Le trou 1.3) Sharwa (Gravina) gʷəʼə trou

2Proto-Tera *gʷa hole trou 2.1) Tera (Newman) gʷa hole 2.1.1) Tera (Newman) gʷa obtain 2.2) Nyimatli (Harley) gʷa den, lair, hole 2.2.1) Nyimatli (Harley) ge hole

3Proto-Margi *kaʔʷ hole trou 3.1) Bura (Blench) ku Hole in the ground 3.2) Margi South (Harley) kàu hole 3.3) Kilba (Schuh) kaʼu hole

4Proto-Higi *kɨʔʷ hole trou 4.1) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) hole; nest 4.2) Kirya (Blench) ɣàw hole 4.3) Bana (Lienhard) kə́ʼú trou san issue
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gʷavan nm. spitting cobra cobra cracheur (6 groups, 14 languages) A
This root is attested in the Mandara Mountains area. The labialisation of *gʷ has been reanalysed as the labialisation prosody in Proto-Daba and Proto-Maroua. The final *n is [ŋ] in almost all languages, most of which have this change as a regular feature. However in the Mofu group languages, word-final *n should have the reflex *r. This implies that the root has been borrowed into the Mofu group.

1Proto-Daba *gavan ʷ cobra cobra 1.1) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) ɡovoŋ spitting cobra cobra 1.2) Daba (Lienhard) gòvòm naja (espèce de serpent noir qui jette la salive)

2Proto-Mafa *gʷɨvan cobra cobra 2.1) Cuvok (Gravina) guvaŋ spitting cobra cobra

3Proto-Hurza *gʷavan cobra cobra 3.1) Mbuko (Gravina) gulguvon cobra cobra crachant 3.2) Vame (Kinnaird) gàvàŋ fìgè cobra cobra

4Proto-Mofu *gʷavaŋ cobra cobra 4.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) gàvàŋ serpent sp.; serpent gris foncé, long, vénimeux 4.2) Muyang (Smith) ɡɑvɑŋ Black-Necked Spitting Cobra, or any large snake cobra (ou tout grand serpent) 4.3) Zulgo (Haller) gàvàŋ serpent m. sp. 4.4) Gemzek (Sabatai) gavaŋ spitting cobra cobra 4.5) Dugwor (Jubumna) golgavan j fətaŋ spitting cobra cobra 4.6) Mofu North (Barreteau) gʷáváŋ serpent (nom gén.) 4.7) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) gʷávaŋʷ naja (serpent)

5Proto-Maroua *gavan ʷ cobra cobra 5.1) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) govon spitting cobra cobra

6Proto-Higi *gʷavaŋ cobra cobra 6.1) Bana (Lienhard) gʷávàŋ esp de serpent, noir, habite près des marigots, aggressif, mais sans vénin
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gʷɨɗɨɮ nm. belch éructer (11 groups, 23 languages) C rel. to: hʷɨɗɨɬ ʸ.
This root is very difficult to reconstruct. The most secure part of the root is the *ɮ, which is present in all reflexes, though it is devoiced in Proto-Kotoko North. The voiced fricatives *z and *v are devoiced in Proto-North Kotoko-Musgum, so this may be part of a general devoicing of fricatives. In many languages there is a glottal element, and in many there is a voiced velar. In Mbudum and Giziga Moutourwa there is evidence for three consonants in the root. The initial consonant is reconstructed as *gʷ. The labialisation is retained in Mafa, Bura and Margi, and is vocalised in Hdi. The *g is retained in Mbudum, Mafa, Matal, Glavda, Ouldeme and Mada. In Hdi it has become /ŋ/, and in Giziga Moutourwa it has become /ʔ/. These are unestablished changes. In the Margi group the *gʷ and *ɗ have merged, creating /ɓʷ/ and /ʔʷ/, which is a common sporadic process. The *ɗ is retained in several languages, and in Mbudum, Gemzek, Merey and Giziga Moutourwa it has the reflex /r/, which is an unestablished change. In Kotoko North is has fused with *ɬ to create the ejective *ɬʼ. As one might expect, the root for 'belch' is the voiced equivalent of the root for 'cough'.

1Proto-Daba *gɨɗɨɮ belch éructer 1.1) Buwal (Viljoen) ɗɑɮ belch éructer, rôter 1.2) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) ŋɡəɾɮ belch éructer, rôter

2Proto-Mafa *gʷɨɗɨɮa belch éructer 2.1) Mafa (Barreteau) guɮa rôter 2.2) Cuvok (Gravina) ɗaɮa belch éructer, rôter

3Proto-Hurza *ɗɨɮa belch éructer 3.1) Mbuko (Gravina) ɗəɮe to belch roter 3.2) Vame (Kinnaird) ̀ɮànáŋà belch éructer

4Proto-Margi *ɮaɠʷi belch éructer 4.1) Bura (Blench) ɮàɓʷì To belch 4.2) Margi (Hoffman) ɮaʼwi to belch

5Proto-Mandara *gɨɮa belch éructer 5.1) Matal màɡɮáj belch éructer 5.2) Malgwa (Löhr) iidhla burp 5.3) Glavda (Nghagyiva) gɨ̀ɮᵊga belch

6Proto-Mofu *gɨɗɨɮ belch éructer 6.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) gə̀ɮàj burp éructer ; rôter 6.2) Mada (Nkoumou) meᵑgɮea éructer, rôter 6.3) Zulgo (Haller) ɮeɮe roter 6.4) Gemzek (Sabatai) mereɮe belch éructer, rôter 6.5) Merey (Gravina) raɬ belch éructer, rôter 6.6) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ́ɗəɮ éructer

7Proto-Maroua *ʔɨrɮɨʔɨ ʸ belch éructer 7.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) ʼirɮiʼi roter

8Proto-Lamang *ŋɨɮu belch éructer 8.1) Hdi (Bramlett) ŋəɮu to belch, to burp éructer, roter

9Proto-Higi *ɮi belch éructer 9.1) Bana (Lienhard) ɮí éructer, rôter

10Proto-Kotoko North *ɬʼa belch éructer 10.1) Afade (Allison) ɬʼe; ɬʼaun belch éructer, rôter 10.2) Mpade (Allison) là msʼò belch éructer, rôter 10.2.1) Mpade (Allison) msʼò burp rot

11Proto-Kotoko Centre *iɬi belch éructer 11.1) Lagwan (Allison) gel iɬi belch éructer, rôter
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gʷɨla n. left gauche (8 groups, 17 languages) A syn: ɮaɓaj.
This root is unusual in that it is reconstructed with *l, although this phoneme is not reconstructed for Proto-Central Chadic. There was a change *r to *l in the North sub-branch, which introduced the phoneme in those languages. However, here we have *l in the reconstructions for Proto-Daba, Proto-Mafa and Proto-Hurza, which are not in the North sub-branch. It is possible that this root spread from the North sub-branch to other languages. In Malgbe the labialisation has been lost from *gʷ, and in Lagwan it has the reflex /ɣ/, which is an unestablished change.

1Proto-Daba *gʷɨla left gauche 1.1) Buwal (Viljoen) ɑ̄tɑ̄ rɑ̄ ɡʷʊ̀lɑ̀ left (direction) () gauche 1.2) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) abəɡula left (direction) (à) gauche

2Proto-Mafa *gʷɨla left gauche 2.1) Mafa (Barreteau) gúlá gauche 2.2) Cuvok (Gravina) ha ta gula left (direction) (à) gauche

3Proto-Hurza *gʷɨla left gauche 3.1) Mbuko (Gravina) gula left gauche 3.1.1) Mbuko (Gravina) alaj gula gauche

4Proto-Mofu *gʷɨla left gauche 4.1) Moloko (Friesen) gəlo left gauche 4.1.1) Moloko (Friesen) gəlo miserable misérable 4.2) Zulgo (Haller) ⁿdá ahə́r gùla à gauche 4.3) Gemzek (Sabatai) i ahər gula left (direction) (à) gauche 4.4) Merey (Gravina) gula gauche 4.5) Dugwor (Jubumna) gula left (direction) (à) gauche 4.6) Mofu North (Barreteau) hār gùlá main gauche 4.7) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) hár-gula (main) gauche 4.7.1) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ́gula gauche

5Proto-Maroua *gʷɨla left gauche 5.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) gula gauche 5.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) haŋ gula left (direction) (à) gauche

6Proto-Higi *gʷɨla left gauche 6.1) Psikye (Angelo) gʷəlá left

7Proto-Kotoko North *geli left gauche 7.1) Malgbe (Allison) a ɬe geli left (direction) (à) gauche

8Proto-Kotoko Centre *ɣɨlan left gauche 8.1) Lagwan (Allison) ɣɨlan left (direction) (à) gauche
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gʷɨvɨh nm. field champ (8 groups, 27 languages) A syn: raj, sɨka, ɣʷɨr.
The basic meaning is the land where millet is cultivated. Apart from Gude, this root is not found in languages of the South sub-branch. The initial *gʷ has reduced to *w in Proto-Lamang and Proto-Higi, an unestablished change. In Proto-Bata and Proto-Margi, the same process resulted in a detached labialisation component, which attached to the *v in Proto-Bata and the *h in Proto-Margi, resulting in *kʷ. In Proto-Margi, *v has the regular reflex *f. The final *h has also been lost in several languages.

1Proto-Bata *vʷɨ field champ 1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) ùuzànvʷá -ə communal farming

2Proto-Hurza *gʷɨvɨh field champ 2.1) Mbuko (Gravina) guvo field champ 2.2) Vame (Kinnaird) kùvàk field ; farm champ ; ferme

3Proto-Margi *fakʷ field champ 3.1) Bura (Blench) faku Farm; field; garden 3.2) Margi (Hoffman) fa farm 3.3) Margi South (Harley) fa farm 3.4) Kilba (Schuh) fa farm

4Proto-Mandara *gʷɨvɨh field champ 4.1) Matal (Branger) gʷəf // guf field champ 4.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) və́hʷa,-u champ 4.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) champ (m) 4.4) Malgwa (Löhr) ukfe farm 4.4.1) Malgwa (Löhr) fe farm 4.5) Glavda (Owens) gif field, place on farm where grain gathered 4.5.1) Glavda (Owens) gʷu farm 4.5.2) Glavda (Owens) gʷu farm 4.5.3) Glavda (Owens) vaava field, place

5Proto-Mofu *gʷɨvɨh field champ 5.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) āvùhʷ field champ 5.2) Mada (Nkoumou) wvah champs 5.3) Moloko (Friesen) gəvah field champ 5.4) Zulgo (Haller) gùvàh champ (m.) cultivé 5.5) Gemzek (Sabatai) guvah fields champs 5.6) Merey (Gravina) guvah champ 5.6.1) Merey (Gravina) guvah champ 5.7) Dugwor (Jubumna) guva fields champs

6Proto-Maroua *gʷɨva field champ 6.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) guva champ 6.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) guva fields champs

7Proto-Lamang *wɨvah field champ 7.1) Lamang (Wolff) úvàha field, farm 7.2) Hdi (Bramlett) vwah field le champ

8Proto-Higi *wɨvɨhɨ field champ 8.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) vʷə 1. farm. 2.friend. 8.2) Kirya (Blench) nvʷə̀kə́ farm 8.2.1) Kirya (Blench) nvə̀kə́ farm 8.3) Psikye (Angelo) wuvə farm, (field) 8.4) Bana (Lienhard) və̀xə́ champ
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ɣaj nm. compound concession (12 groups, 28 languages) A rel. to: vɨn ʸ.
The basic meaning of this root is the entire compound, whilst *vɨn ʸ denotes a single building. The initial *ɣ also has the reflexes /g/ and /h/. The reflex /h/ is regular in Mandara, Malgwa, Muyang, Moloko and Proto-Kotoko North. The reflex /g/ is regular in the Meri sub-group of the Mofu group. In the Mofu subgroup the *ɣ is regularly lost. The *j is reanalysed as the palatalisation prosody in Proto-Daba, and is vocalised in Sukur, which are common sporadic processes. It combines with *a in Proto-Kotoko South, which is an unestablished change.

1Proto-Bata *hajɨ hut case 1.1) Sharwa (Gravina) hajə Maison

2Proto-Daba *ga ʸ hut case 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) ge house maison 2.2) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) ɡe house maison

3Proto-Mafa *gaj hut case 3.1) Mafa (Barreteau) gáj case, consession

4Proto-Sukur *ɣi hut case 4.1) Sukur (David) ɣí house 4.2) Sukur (Thomas) ɣəi home; the house that you live in, especially with your family.

5Proto-Hurza *aga hut case 5.1) Mbuko (Gravina) àga at_house_of chez

6Proto-Mandara *ɣaj hut case 6.1) Matal (Branger) gàj hut case 6.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) kaja,-ə 1 concession, case, maison 6.2.1) Podoko (Swackhammer) kaja,-ə 2 conteneur 6.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) concession (f), maison (f) 6.4) Glavda (Nghagyiva) xàːwa entrance hut

7Proto-Mofu *ɣaj hut case 7.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) ɣàj house maison 7.2) Muyang (Smith) ɑhɑj maison, concession ; toute construction 7.2.1) Muyang (Smith) ɑhɑj class classe 7.3) Moloko (Friesen) háj house, compound maison; concession 7.4) Gemzek (Sabatai) ga house maison 7.5) Merey (Gravina) gaj hut case, maison 7.5.1) Merey (Gravina) maison 7.6) Dugwor (Jubumna) gaj house maison 7.6.1) Dugwor (Jubumna) gaj hut case 7.7) Mofu North (Barreteau) ʔáj maison (ensemble de case) 7.8) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) waj home maison, concession

8Proto-Maroua *gaj hut case 8.1) Mbazla (SILSurvey) gái house maison

9Proto-Higi *ɣaj hut case 9.1) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) ɣʷo house 9.2) Kirya (Blench) ɣàj house 9.3) Psikye (Angelo) ge house 9.4) Bana (Lienhard) ɣjì maison

10Proto-Kotoko North *ho hut case 10.1) Afade (Allison) ho house maison 10.2) Mpade (Allison) ho house maison 10.3) Malgbe (Allison) ha house maison

11Proto-Kotoko Centre *ɣaa hut case 11.1) Lagwan (Allison) ɣaa house maison

12Proto-Kotoko South *ɣe hut case 12.1) Mazera (Allison) ɣe hut case 12.1.1) Mazera (Allison) ɣe house maison
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ɣanaɗ ʸ nf. tongue langue (7 groups, 20 languages) syn: ɗɨrɨnɨh ʸ, naɬɨj.
This root is found mostly in the South sub-branch of Central Chadic, but is also found in the Lamang and Higi groups. The *ɣ is realised as *g in Proto-Bata, Proto-Daba and Proto-Margi, which are unestablished changes. The *ɗ is only retained in the Daba group. In the Sukur, Lamang and Higi groups it is affected by the palatalisation prosody and is realised as *j, which is a regular process. The palatalisation prosody itself is only retained in Proto-Bata. In Proto-Tera it is vocalised, which is an unestablished change.

1Proto-Bata *gana ʸ tongue langue 1.1) Jimi (Djibi) gianan La langue comme organe. 1.2) Sharwa (Gravina) gana langue 1.3) Tsuvan (Johnston) agana la langue

2Proto-Daba *ganaɗ tongue langue 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) gɑnɑnɑ tongue langue 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) gɑɗɑɗɑŋ tongue langue 2.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) ɡanaɗ tongue langue 2.3.1) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) ɡanaɗ language langue, langage 2.4) Daba (Lienhard) gànà la langue, le langage

3Proto-Tera *ɣina tongue langue 3.1) Tera (Newman) ɣena tongue 3.2) Nyimatli (Harley) ɣin tongue

4Proto-Sukur *ɣanaj tongue langue 4.1) Sukur (David) ɣanaj tongue 4.2) Sukur (Thomas) ɣanai tongue:- is the part in the mouth that moves around the mouth when talking or eating.

5Proto-Margi gar ʸ tongue langue 5.1) Bura (Blench) keᵑgjar Tongue 5.2) Margi (Hoffman) kjar tongue 5.3) Margi South (Harley) kjar tongue 5.4) Kilba (Schuh) kjar tongue

6Proto-Lamang *ɣanɨj tongue langue 6.1) Lamang (Wolff) ɣènè tongue 6.2) Hdi (Bramlett) ɣanik tongue la langue

7Proto-Higi *ɣanɨj tongue langue 7.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) annjə tongue 7.1.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) aniə tongue 7.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) ɣani tongue 7.3) Kirya (Blench) nɣànə́ tongue 7.4) Bana (Lienhard) ɣànì langue
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ɣɨn nm. head tête (8 groups, 31 languages) A syn: ɣʷɨ.
The final *n has undergone the regular change *n→r in the Margi-Mandara-Mofu major group. The Mafa /gəɗ/ has come from *gɨr, which implies that this reflex was borrowed from that major group. *ɣ has the reflex /g/ in several languages, which is a regular change in Dghwede and the Meri subgroup of the Mofu group. It developed into *k in Proto-Margi, probably via *h, though this change is unestablished. It has the regular reflex /h/ in Muyang, and has been lost in several languages, including the two Mofu subgroup languages where this change is regular. There are also instances of the reflex /j/ in Jimi, Cuvok, Mandara, Malgwa and Mbazla, but this change is unestablished. The Moloko and Giziga forms may represent compounds including the reflex of the proto-form.

1Proto-Bata *ɣɨnɨ head tête 1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) ná -ə (inher. poss., body part) head, top 1.2) Jimi (Djibi) jinən Tête 1.3) Sharwa (Gravina) ᵑgɨnə tête 1.4) Tsuvan (Johnston) əne la tête

2Proto-Mafa *jaŋ, gɨɗ head tête 2.1) Mafa (Ndokobai) gəɗ kəda tête de chien 2.2) Cuvok (Gravina) jaŋ head tête

3Proto-Margi *kir head tête 3.1) Bura (Blench) kir Head; the top 3.2) Margi (Hoffman) kər head 3.3) Margi South (Hoffman) kər head 3.3.1) Margi South (Harley) kər head 3.4) Kilba (Hoffman) kər head 3.4.1) Kilba (Schuh) kər head

4Proto-Mandara *ɣɨra head tête 4.1) Matal (Branger) gəl head tête 4.2) Mandara (Fluckiger) ira tête (f) 4.3) Malgwa (Löhr) iire head 4.4) Glavda (Nghagyiva) ʁɾa head 4.4.1) Glavda (Nghagyiva) ʁɾa head 4.4.2) Glavda (Owens) γr head, mind, intellect 4.5) Dghwede (Frick) gre head

5Proto-Mofu *ɣɨr head tête 5.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) ɣàr head tête 5.2) Muyang (Smith) ɑhɑ̀r tête, le dessus de quelque chose ; la personne même 5.3) Moloko (Friesen) dəraj head tête 5.4) Zulgo (Haller) gər tête f. 5.5) Gemzek (Sabatai) gər head tête 5.5.1) Gemzek (Sabatai) gar la tête 5.6) Merey (Gravina) gər head tête 5.7) Dugwor (Jubumna) gar head tête 5.8) Mofu North (Barreteau) ʔár tête 5.8.1) Mofu North (Barreteau) ʼar la tête 5.9) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) raj head (of person, animal, etc.), the top part of something tête 5.9.1) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) raj sommet, dessus, cime

6Proto-Maroua hɨrɨŋ, jɨŋ head tête 6.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) hirᵑga(Mt) hirᵑgaŋ(Mj) tête 6.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) huruŋ head tête 6.3) Mbazla (Tourneux) jiŋ tête

7Proto-Lamang *ɣɨŋ head tête 7.1) Lamang (Wolff) ɣàŋ head 7.2) Hdi (Bramlett) ɣəŋ head la tête

8Proto-Higi *ɣɨn head tête 8.1) Kirya (Blench) ɣə̀n head 8.2) Bana (Lienhard) ɣə̀n tête, sommet, cime
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ɣʷadzi nm. quiver carquois (5 groups, 11 languages) B
This root is found in languages around the Nigerian Plains area, and reflects a technological innovation rather than an ancient Proto-Central Chadic root. The sound changes indicate that the root was introduced during the time of the group proto-languages. The *ɣʷ has become *gʷ in the Higi group, and has developed into *kʷ in the Bata and Margi groups, all of which are unestablished changes. In Sukur the fricative component was lost, leaving /w/, also an unestablished change. The *dz has been devoiced to *ts in the Higi group, which is also an unestablished change. The final *i is reanalysed as the palatalisation prosody in the Margi group.

1Proto-Bata *kʷadza quiver carquois 1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) kʷàdzá quiver 1.1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) kʷàdzá collective term for bow, arrows, and quiver 1.2) Jimi (Djibi) kʷadzan Carquois 1.3) Sharwa (Gravina) kʷadza carquois

2Proto-Sukur *wadzi quiver carquois 2.1) Sukur (David) wadzi quiver 2.2) Sukur (Thomas) wadzəi quiver;- is a case for carring arrows.

3Proto-Margi *kʷadza ʸ quiver carquois 3.1) Bura (Blench) kʷadʒa Quiver for carrying arrows 3.2) Margi South (Harley) kʷadza quiver 3.3) Kilba (Schuh) gʷadʒa quiver

4Proto-Lamang *ɣʷadzi quiver carquois 4.1) Hdi (Bramlett) ɣʷadzi quiver le carquois

5Proto-Higi *gʷɨtsi quiver carquois 5.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) gùtʃə́ Quiver 5.2) Kirya (Blench) gùtʃìl quiver. ordinary type used for hunting 5.3) Bana (Lienhard) gùtʃì carquois
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ɣʷɨ nf. head tête (8 groups, 14 languages) B syn: ɣɨn.
This root is found in a diverse set of languages, and may reflect a primary Proto-Central Chadic root. Cognates are found in other branches of Chadic. The labialisation component of *ɣʷ is retained as vocalisation in Psikye, Buduma, Mser and the languages of the Kotoko North group. The velar component has reflexes /h/, /k/, /g/ and /ᵑg/. The final vowel becomes *a as a regular feature in many groups.

1Proto-Daba *ha head tête 1.1) Buwal (Viljoen) head tête 1.2) Gavar (Viljoen) head tête

2Proto-Sukur *kɨ head tête 2.1) Sukur (David) head 2.2) Sukur (Thomas) head; the part of the body on top of the neck containing the eyes, nose, mouth and brain.

3Proto-Hurza *ᵑga head tête 3.1) Mbuko (Gravina) ᵑga head tête 3.2) Vame (Kinnaird) ŋa tête 3.2.1) Vame (Kinnaird) ᵑgà head tête

4Proto-Higi *ɣʷɨ head tête 4.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) ɣə təmə ram head 4.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) ɣi head 4.3) Psikye (Angelo) gu head

5Proto-Kotoko Island *kʷɨ head tête 5.1) Buduma (McKone) kuə head tête 5.2) Buduma (McKone) ku tête.

6Proto-Kotoko North *gʷa head tête 6.1) Afade (Allison) go head tête 6.2) Mpade (Allison) head tête 6.2.1) Mpade (Allison) ko particle, head particule, tête

7Proto-Kotoko Centre *kʷa head tête 7.1) Lagwan (Allison) kaa head tête 7.2) Mser (Allison) ko head tête

8Proto-Gidar *kɨj head tête 8.1) Gidar (Hungerford) ki tête 8.2) Gidar (Schuh) kija/0 tête
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ɣʷɨɓis v. laugh rire (12 groups, 29 languages) C
This is a difficult root to reconstruct. The three consonants of the reconstructed form are found only in the Mandara and Lamang groups. In all other groups the *ɣʷ and *ɓ have interacted or been lost. *ɣʷ has been lost in Proto-Daba and Proto-Sukur, which is an unestablished change. In Podoko the labialisation component was retained and vocalised, and in Proto-Higi the labialisation component transferred onto *ɓ. Within the Higi group, *ɓʷ→ʔʷ in several languages, which is an unestablished change. There has been an unestablished change *ɓ→ᵐb, giving the forms in Mbuko, Moloko and Lamang. The sporadic change *ᵐb→m took place subsequently, giving the forms in Daba, Proto-Tera, Ouldeme, Vame and Gidar. The labialisation component of *ɣʷ combined with this in Proto-Bata, Vame and Proto-Margi. In another path, the *m combined with *ɣʷ to create *ᵑgʷ, giving the forms in Mafa, Merey and Dugwor. These examples of fusion are common sporadic processes. There is evidence for reconstructing *i from the Sukur, Margi and Higi groups.

1Proto-Bata *mʷɨs laugh rire 1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) nwusə laugh, laugh at, mock 1.2) Sharwa (Gravina) uʃi amʷɨskə Amusant,ante 1.3) Tsuvan (Johnston) a mʷeskən rire, sourire

2Proto-Daba *ɓas laugh rire 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) ɓɑs laugh rire 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) ɓɑs smile sourire 2.2.1) Gavar (Viljoen) ɓɑs laugh rire 2.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) ɓas laugh rire 2.4) Daba (Lienhard) mīs rire ; se moquer de...

3Proto-Mafa *ŋgʷas laugh rire 3.1) Mafa (Barreteau) ngʷás rire

4Proto-Tera *mɨs laugh rire 4.1) Tera (Newman) tʃi məsi laugh (do laughter) 4.2) Nyimatli (Harley) mu̱s laugh

5Proto-Sukur *ɓis laugh rire 5.1) Sukur (David) ɓis laugh, to 5.2) Sukur (Thomas) ɓis laugh; to make sounds and movements of your face that show you are happy or think something is funny.

6Proto-Hurza ᵐbɨsɨj laugh rire 6.1) Mbuko (Gravina) ᵐbasaj laugh rire 6.2) Vame (Kinnaird) mùʃ laugh rire 6.2.1) Vame (Kinnaird) mùʃìjà laugh ; laugh at ; mock moquer_(se)

7Proto-Margi *mʷisa laugh rire 7.1) Bura (Blench) kumʃi To smile, to laugh 7.1.1) Bura (Blench) muʃa, miʃa To smile; to begin to laugh

8Proto-Mandara *ɣʷɨɓasa laugh rire 8.1) Podoko (Swackhammer) uɓasa rire, sourire 8.2) Glavda (Nghagyiva) ʁùɓásᵊga laugh 8.3) Dghwede (Frick) gəpʼasa to laugh

9Proto-Mofu *ɣʷɨᵐbasa laugh rire 9.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) màsàj be contented ; laugh être content ; rire 9.2) Moloko (Friesen) ᵐbas smile sourire 9.2.1) Moloko (Friesen) ᵐbas laugh rire 9.3) Merey (Gravina) ŋgʷasa laugh rire 9.4) Dugwor (Jubumna) məngʷesej laugh rire

10Proto-Lamang *ɣʷɨɓas laugh rire 10.1) Lamang (Wolff) ɣəᵐboso laugh 10.2) Hdi (Bramlett) ɣuɓasaj to laugh, to mock rire, se moquer 10.2.1) Hdi (Bramlett) ɣuɓasu laugh le rire

11Proto-Higi *ɓʷɨsi laugh rire 11.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) ʼuʃí laugh 11.1.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) ùʃí Laugh 11.1.2) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) uʃi laugh 11.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) uʃi laugh 11.3) Kirya (Blench) ɓʷìʃí to laugh 11.4) Psikye (Angelo) ʼwuʃí laugh 11.4.1) Psikye (Angelo) ŋʼwuʃí laugh 11.5) Bana (Lienhard) ʼwə́ʃí rire, sourire, vaincre

12Proto-Gidar *ɨmasa laugh rire 12.1) Gidar (Hungerford) əmasa rire
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ɣʷɨlɨm n. cheek joue (7 groups, 11 languages) D
The forms from four of the groups cited are clearly cognate, but the Mbara and Gidar words lack the reflex of *m which would normally be expected, and the Glavda form lacks *l, thus making their status as cognates doubtful. *ɣʷ has become *hʷ in the Hurza and Mofu groups. In the Hurza group this is an unestablished change, but in these languages of the Mofu group, /gʷ/ is expected. The labialisation has then been reanalysed as a prosody in Mbuko and Proto-Mofu, which is a common sporadic change. A similar process has taken place in Sukur and Kirya.

1Proto-Sukur *ɣʷɨlɨm cheek joue 1.1) Sukur (David) ɣulum cheek

2Proto-Hurza *mɨhʷɨlam cheek joue 2.1) Mbuko (Gravina) məhulom cheek joue 2.2) Vame (Kinnaird) múlá cheek joue

3Proto-Mandara *wɨm cheek joue 3.1) Glavda (Owens) úum cheek

4Proto-Mofu *mahalɨm ʷ cheek joue 4.1) Zulgo (Haller) máhalúm joue f. 4.2) Gemzek (Sabatai) maholom cheek joue 4.3) Merey (Gravina) maholom joue 4.3.1) Merey (Gravina) mahololom cheek joue

5Proto-Higi *ɣʷɨlɨm cheek joue 5.1) Kirya (Blench) ɣulum cheek 5.2) Bana (Lienhard) ɣʷə̀lmə̀ joue

6Proto-Musgum *galaj cheek joue 6.1) Mbara (Tourneux) galaj cheek

7Proto-Gidar *galiin cheek joue 7.1) Gidar (Hungerford) galiin joue
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ɣʷɨlɨs ʸ nf. kidney rein (10 groups, 18 languages) B
This root is widespread amongst the languages of the North sub-branch, but is only attested in Buwal, Gavar and Sukur of the South sub-branch. *l did not exist in Proto-Central Chadic, but was an innovation in the North sub-branch following *r→l. This indicates that this root originated in Proto-Central Chadic North. *ɣʷ has the expected wide range of reflexes, some regular and some irregular. The palatalisation prosody is well supported by the data. The presence of *ɗ in the Kotoko Centre and North languages could be due to *l→r→ɗ, though this process has not been established as regular. The Mpade form is the result of metathesis.

1Proto-Daba *wɨlɨs ʸ kidney rein 1.1) Buwal (Viljoen) ules kidney rein 1.2) Gavar (Viljoen) wəliʃ kidney rein

2Proto-Sukur *ɣʷɨlɨsisi kidney rein 2.1) Sukur (David) ɣuləʃiʃi kidney 2.2) Sukur (Thomas) ɣuləʃiʃi kidney; the two organs in the body that remove waste products from the blood and produce urine.

3Proto-Hurza *hʷɨlasase kidney rein 3.1) Vame (Kinnaird) hùlásásé kidney rein

4Proto-Margi *kʷɨlsi ʸ kidney rein 4.1) Bura (Blench) kulʃi Kidneys 4.2) Margi (Hoffman) hulʃi kidney

5Proto-Mandara *kʷɨlɨsɨ ʸ kidney rein 5.1) Podoko (Swackhammer) hulə́ʃe,-ə rein 5.2) Malgwa (Löhr) ŋursasa kidney 5.3) Glavda (Nghagyiva) zɾá kʷʃᵊla kidney

6Proto-Mofu *wɨlas ʸ kidney rein 6.1) Dugwor (Jubumna) wures dəba kidney rein 6.2) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) wules-dəɓá rein

7Proto-Lamang *ɣʷɨlɨsisi kidney rein 7.1) Lamang (Wolff) ɣʷələsisi kidney 7.2) Hdi (Bramlett) hulisisi kidney le rein

8Proto-Higi *ɣʷɨlɨsʲi kidney rein 8.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) goliʃi kidney 8.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) ɣulətʃi kidney 8.3) Bana (Lienhard) wə̀lìsà rein

9Proto-Kotoko Centre *hʷɨɗɨs kidney rein 9.1) Lagwan (Allison) xuɗusɨ kidney rein 9.2) Mser (Allison) hɨdɨs kidney rein

10Proto-Kotoko North *ɗɨgʷɨse kidney rein 10.1) Mpade (Allison) ɗùgùsé kidney rein
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ɣʷɨmɨɗ ʸ n. beard barbe (9 groups, 14 languages) B
The final *ɗ under palatalisation is realised as *j in almost all cases, which is a regular change. This has then been vocalised in Proto-Margi and Proto-Mandara. The palatalisation prosody is retained only in Gidar. *ɣʷ has a wide range of reflexes, as expected.

1Proto-Sukur *ɣɨmaj beard barbe 1.1) Sukur (David) ɣəmaj beard 1.2) Sukur (Thomas) ɣəmai beard:-is a hait that grown on the chin of a man;s mouth.

2Proto-Hurza *hɨmaj beard barbe 2.1) Mbuko (Gravina) həmaj beard barbe (f) (homme, bouc)

3Proto-Margi *kʷɨmi beard barbe 3.1) Bura (Blench) kùmí Beard 3.1.1) Bura (Blench) ʃíʃí kùmí Beard (on chin)

4Proto-Mandara *ɣʷɨmi beard barbe 4.1) Matal (Branger) agʷaj, agoj beard barbe 4.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) mume,-i barbe 4.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) uma barbe (f) 4.4) Malgwa (Löhr) kuuma, uuma beard

5Proto-Mofu *hɨmaj beard barbe 5.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) màmáj beard barbe 5.2) Gemzek (Sabatai) həma beard barbe

6Proto-Maroua *hɨmɨŋ ʷ beard barbe 6.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) hummuŋ barbe touffue

7Proto-Lamang *ɣʷɨmaj beard barbe 7.1) Hdi (Bramlett) ɣumaj chin, goatee le menton, la barbe

8Proto-Higi *ɣʷɨmiɗ beard barbe 8.1) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) ɣuɓe beard 8.2) Kirya (Blench) ɣùmí beard

9Proto-Gidar *aᵑgama ʸ beard barbe 9.1) Gidar (Hungerford) eᵑgeme barbe 9.2) Gidar (Schuh) aᵑgeme barbe
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ɣʷɨpa nf. flour farine (12 groups, 36 languages) B
In Proto-Central Chadic, *p had the allophone [p] in word-medial position. However, in Proto-Daba and Proto-Mafa we find *f, which is unestablished. *p has become /ᵐb/ in Vame and the Tokombere subgroup of the Mofu group, which is also an unestablished change. *ɣʷ has the usual wide range of reflexes, and in some cases has been lost. In Sukur and Proto-Margi the labialisation component has transferred onto *p, which is a common sporadic process.

1Proto-Bata *hʷɨpɨ flour farine 1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) ə̀mpúnə flour (from any grain) 1.2) Jimi (Djibi) pun Farine 1.3) Sharwa (Gravina) pʷə farine 1.4) Tsuvan (Johnston) ahpʷe la farine

2Proto-Daba *ŋfa flour farine 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) ŋfɑ flour farine 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) ŋfɑ flour farine 2.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) n̩fa flour farine

3Proto-Mafa *gʷɨfa flour farine 3.1) Mafa (Barreteau) gúfá farine 3.2) Cuvok (Gravina) kəfa flour farine

4Proto-Sukur *pʷa flour farine 4.1) Sukur (David) powa flour, millet 4.2) Sukur (Thomas) pʷa flour; a fine white or brown powder made from grain, especially guineacorn, maize, etc.

5Proto-Hurza *hɨᵐbɨga flour farine 5.1) Vame (Kinnaird) hə̀ᵐbə̀gà flour farine

6Proto-Margi *ɨpʷɨ flour farine 6.1) Bura (Blench) mpʷa Flour, meal 6.2) Margi (Hoffman) əmpu flour 6.3) Margi South (Hoffman) upau flour 6.4) Kilba (Hoffman) upʷa flour 6.4.1) Kilba (Schuh) upʷa/up flour

7Proto-Mandara *kʷɨpɨ flour farine 7.1) Matal (Branger) phaw flour farine 7.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) pəhʷa,-u farine 7.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) úkpé farine (f) 7.4) Malgwa (Löhr) ukpa flour 7.5) Glavda (Owens) ax guinea corn flour 7.5.1) Glavda (Nghagyiva) àxʷpíja flour

8Proto-Mofu *ɣʷɨpa flour farine 8.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) hūᵐbò flour farine 8.2) Muyang (Smith) huᵐbu flour farine 8.3) Moloko (Friesen) hoᵐbo farine 8.3.1) Moloko (Friesen) həᵐbo flour farine 8.4) Proto-Meri *gʷɨfa flour farine 8.5) Zulgo (Haller) gùfá farine f. 8.6) Gemzek (Sabatai) gufa flour farine 8.7) Merey (Gravina) gufo flour farine 8.8) Dugwor (Jubumna) gufo flour farine 8.9) Mofu North (Barreteau) hápà farine 8.10) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) hapa flour farine

9Proto-Maroua *hapa flour farine 9.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) hapa farine 9.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) hapa flour farine

10Proto-Lamang *hʷɨpaw flour farine 10.1) Lamang (Wolff) hʷpo flour 10.2) Hdi (Bramlett) hupu flour la farine

11Proto-Higi *ɣʷɨpɨ flour farine 11.1) Kirya (Blench) ɣùpə́ flour 11.2) Bana (Lienhard) ɣʷə̀pə̀ farine

12Proto-Gidar *gɨpa flour farine 12.1) Gidar (Hungerford) gɨɨpa farine
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