Search results for "ᵐba"

ɣʷɨlɨm n. cheek joue (7 groups, 11 languages) D
The forms from four of the groups cited are clearly cognate, but the Mbara and Gidar words lack the reflex of *m which would normally be expected, and the Glavda form lacks *l, thus making their status as cognates doubtful. *ɣʷ has become *hʷ in the Hurza and Mofu groups. In the Hurza group this is an unestablished change, but in these languages of the Mofu group, /gʷ/ is expected. The labialisation has then been reanalysed as a prosody in Mbuko and Proto-Mofu, which is a common sporadic change. A similar process has taken place in Sukur and Kirya.
1Proto-Sukur *ɣʷɨlɨm cheek joue 1.1) Sukur (David) ɣulum cheek
2Proto-Hurza *mɨhʷɨlam cheek joue 2.1) Mbuko (Gravina) məhulom cheek joue 2.2) Vame (Kinnaird) múlá cheek joue
3Proto-Mandara *wɨm cheek joue 3.1) Glavda (Owens) úum cheek
4Proto-Mofu *mahalɨm ʷ cheek joue 4.1) Zulgo (Haller) máhalúm joue f. 4.2) Gemzek (Sabatai) maholom cheek joue 4.3) Merey (Gravina) maholom joue 4.3.1) Merey (Gravina) mahololom cheek joue
5Proto-Higi *ɣʷɨlɨm cheek joue 5.1) Kirya (Blench) ɣulum cheek 5.2) Bana (Lienhard) ɣʷə̀lmə̀ joue
6Proto-Musgum *galaj cheek joue 6.1) Mbara (Tourneux) galaj cheek
7Proto-Gidar *galiin cheek joue 7.1) Gidar (Hungerford) galiin joue
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ɣʷɨr n. field champ (5 groups, 5 languages) C syn: gʷɨvɨh, raj, sɨka.
This root is found in a small but diverse group of languages. It is possible that the root is cognate with *raj, though there is insufficient evidence to establish this with confidence. There is a regular change *r→l in the languages of the North sub-branch, with the irregular exception of Mbara. *ɣʷ has a wide range of reflexes, not all of which are regular.
1Proto-Tera *gar field champ 1.1) Nyimatli (Harley) gar bush 1.1.1) Nyimatli (Harley) gar farm
2Proto-Sukur *ɣʷɨr field champ 2.1) Sukur (David) ɣur field, plot 2.2) Sukur (David) ɣər farm
3Proto-Mofu *gɨlɨ ʸ field champ 3.1) Muyang (Smith) ɡili fields, cultivated bush brousse cultivé 3.1.1) Muyang (Smith) ɡili fields, cultivated bush brousse cultivé
4Proto-Musgum *wɨr field champ 4.1) Mbara (Tourneux) wur field champ
5Proto-Gidar *gʷɨlɨjo field champ 5.1) Gidar (Hungerford) gulijo champ, ferme 5.2) Gidar (Schuh) gulijo champs
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ɣʷɨzɨm n. beer bière (5 groups, 16 languages) A syn: vɨhʷ, ᵐbaɮa.
This root is found in a broad area around the Northern Mandara Mountains. There are three well-attested roots for 'beer', which indicates that the practice of brewing beer was an innovation amongst the Central Chadic peoples, probably around the time of the group proto-languages. The *ɣʷ has the expected variety of regular and irregular reflexes. The fricative component has been lost in many groups, and the labialisation component has been reanalysed as *w, *u or the labialisation prosody. In the Giziga languages, the loss has been compensated for by the prefixation of /m/. The regular word-final change *m→w has taken place in the Mandara group, and also in the Lamang group where this change occurs sporadically.
1Proto-Mafa *wɨzam beer bière 1.1) Mafa (Barreteau) zóm bière de mil 1.2) Cuvok (Gravina) wuzam beer bière 1.2.1) Cuvok (Gravina) wuzam alcohol (general) alcool (général) 1.2.2) Cuvok (Gravina) wuzam millet beer bière de mil
2Proto-Mandara *gʷɨzɨw beer bière 2.1) Matal (Branger) gʷəzəw // guzu beer bière
3Proto-Mofu *ɣʷɨzam beer bière 3.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) wùzàm beer bière 3.2) Muyang (Smith) zum wine vin 3.3) Mada (Nkoumou) wzom biere 3.4) Zulgo (Haller) gùzum bière (f.) de mil 3.5) Gemzek (Sabatai) gozom beer bière 3.5.1) Gemzek (Sabatai) guzom vin 3.6) Merey (Gravina) guzom vin 3.6.1) Merey (Gravina) guzom alcohol (general) bière, vin, alcool (général) 3.7) Dugwor (Jubumna) Guzom beer bière 3.8) Mofu North (Barreteau) zàm bièré de mil 3.9) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ́wuzam ᵑga daw bière de mil
4Proto-Lamang *ɣuzɨw beer bière 4.1) Lamang (Wolff) ɣùzò beer bière 4.2) Hdi (Bramlett) ɣuzu sorghum beer, guinea corn wine la bière de mil
5Proto-Maroua *mɨzam ʷ beer bière 5.1) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) muzom beer bière 5.1.1) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) muzom millet beer bière de mil 5.2) Mbazla (Tourneux) zam bière
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hadaj n. eye œil (14 groups, 37 languages) B syn: tsɨ ʸ.
The initial *h in this root is retained in Proto-Daba, Proto-Mofu and Proto-Gidar. In several groups, the presence of an initial vowel indicates that an initial consonant has been lost, giving support to the reconstruction of *h. There was a regular change *d→r in intervocalic position in the North sub-branch. There are two exceptions: Proto-Daba has *r although it is in the South sub-branch, and Proto-Mandara has *d where we would expect *r. There is a subsequent regular change *r→l in Proto-Margi, Moloko and Buduma, and an unestablished change *r→ɗ in Mbuko. There was also the unestablished change *d→t in Proto-Tera. In many cases the final *j has been vocalised, a common sporadic process.
1Proto-Bata *dɨj eye oeil 1.1) Bata (Boyd) dìto eye 1.2) Sharwa (Gravina) di oeil, yeux 1.2.1) Sharwa (Gravina) di visage 1.3) Tsuvan (Johnston) adəŋ les yeux
2Proto-Daba *hɨrɨj eye oeil 2.1) Daba (Lienhard) hə̀rāʼ les yeux 2.2) MazagwayHidi (Noussi) rija oeil
3Proto-Mafa *daj eye oeil 3.1) Mafa (Barreteau) daj oeil 3.2) Cuvok (Gravina) ⁿdej face visage 3.2.1) Cuvok (Gravina) ⁿdej eye œil
4Proto-Tera *jɨtɨ eye oeil 4.1) Tera (Newman) jitə eye 4.2) Nyimatli (Harley) jiti eye
5Proto-Hurza *araj eye oeil 5.1) Mbuko (Gravina) iɗe eye oeil, yeux 5.1.1) Mbuko (Gravina) iɗe face visage 5.2) Vame (Kinnaird) āráj eye oeil
6Proto-Margi *li eye oeil 6.1) Margi (Hoffman) li eye 6.2) Margi South (Harley) li eye 6.3) Kilba (Schuh) li eye
7Proto-Mandara *di eye oeil 7.1) Matal (Branger) jawdi, jewdi, jewdəj eye oeil 7.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) de,-i oeil 7.3) Dghwede (Frick) ⁿde eye
8Proto-Mofu *haraj eye oeil 8.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) ārāj eye oeil; oeil ; vision 8.2) Muyang (Smith) eri eye ; face ; share ; miserly œil; les yeux; visage; part 8.3) Mada (Nkoumou) èrè oeil 8.4) Moloko (Friesen) ele eye oeil 8.5) Zulgo (Haller) aré oeil m., yeux m.pl. 8.5.1) Zulgo (Haller) are oeil m., yeux m.pl. 8.6) Gemzek (Sabatai) ere eye œil 8.7) Merey (Gravina) ɗəre eye œil 8.8) Dugwor (Jubumna) re eye œil 8.9) Proto-Mofu Subgroup *daj ʸ eye oeil 8.10) Mofu North (Barreteau) dej eye oeil 8.11) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) dej eye oeil ; vue 8.11.1) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) dej face, likeness figure, visage
9Proto-Maroua *araj eye oeil 9.1) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) re eye œil 9.2) Mbazla (Tourneux) ʼaraj yeux, œil 9.2.1) Mbazla (SILSurvey) àráj eye oeil
10Proto-Lamang *iri eye oeil 10.1) Lamang (Wolff) ílí eye 10.1.1) Lamang (Wolff) íl eyes 10.2) Hdi (Bramlett) iri eye l'oeil
11Proto-Kotoko Island *jɨl eye oeil 11.1) Buduma (McKone) jəl oeil, yeux.
12Proto-Kotoko South *are eye oeil 12.1) Zina (Odden) ìrì eye œil 12.2) Mazera (Allison) ade eye œil
13Proto-Musgum *araj eye oeil 13.1) Vulum (Tourneux) araj yeux 13.2) Mbara (Tourneux) ree eyes yeux 13.2.1) Mbara (Tourneux) ree face
14Proto-Gidar *hara eye oeil 14.1) Gidar (Schuh) hara/a oeil 14.2) Gidar (Hungerford) hara oeil
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hadik nm. thorn épine (10 groups, 31 languages) A
The initial *h in this root is retained in Proto-Mafa, Proto-Mofu and Proto-Musgum, and the initial vowels in Proto-Hurza and Proto-Mandara support the reconstruction of an initial consonant, since Proto-Central Chadic did not permit initial vowels. In the Mafa group, the loss of *h has been compensated for by the addition of a prefix /v/ in Mafa and /m/ in Cuvok. This is a common process in these languages. *d has become *t in Proto-Mafa and Proto-Lamang, and in Proto-Higi, where this is a regular change. The reflex /dz/ in Sukur is unestablished. The *k is realised as *h in Proto-Bata, an unestablished change, and as /t/ in Muskum, a regular change. *i is reconstructed, rather than the palatalisation prosody, primarily on the evidence from the Bata and Higi groups, with support from the Tera, Sukur, Lamang and Musgum groups. In the Bata group, *i has the reflex /ə/ in both Gude and Sharwa. In Sharwa, *ɨ has the contrasting reflex /ɨ/. The Bata group data therefore supports the reconstruction of *i.
1Proto-Bata *dihɨ thorn épine 1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) dəhá -ə thorn, thorn tree. 1.2) Sharwa (Gravina) dəhə épine
2Proto-Mafa *hɨtak thorn épine 2.1) Mafa (Barreteau) vatak épine 2.2) Cuvok (Gravina) mətak thorn épine
3Proto-Tera *ⁿdeki thorn épine 3.1) Tera (Newman) ⁿdeki thorn 3.2) Nyimatli (Harley) ⁿdʒakhti thorn 3.3) Hwana (Harley) ⁿdáxá thorn
4Proto-Sukur *dzɨk ʸ thorn épine 4.1) Sukur (Thomas) dʒik thorn; it is the genearl term for thorns.
5Proto-Hurza *adak thorn épine 5.1) Mbuko (Gravina) adak thorn épine 5.2) Vame (Kinnaird) àdə̀gà thorn ; prickle épine
6Proto-Mandara *adakɨ thorn épine 6.1) Matal (Branger) ātàk thorn épine 6.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) taka,-ə épine 6.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) dáké épine (f) 6.4) Malgwa (Löhr) dake thorn 6.5) Glavda (Nghagyiva) tàka thorn
7Proto-Mofu *hadak thorn épine 7.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) ādàk thorn épines ; une épine 7.2) Muyang (Smith) ɑdɑk thorn épine (mot général) 7.3) Moloko (Friesen) hadak thorn épine 7.4) Zulgo (Haller) adák épine f. 7.5) Gemzek (Sabatai) adak thorn épine 7.6) Merey (Gravina) dak épine (f) 7.6.1) Merey (Gravina) adak thorn épine 7.7) Dugwor (Jubumna) adak thorn épine 7.8) Mofu North (Barreteau) ⁿdàk épine 7.9) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) hátak épine, épineux
8Proto-Lamang *tiki thorn épine 8.1) Lamang (Wolff) tiki thorn 8.2) Hdi (Bramlett) teki thorn l'épine
9Proto-Higi *tikɨ thorn épine 9.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) tikə thorn 9.2) Bana (Lienhard) t(ə́)kí épine
10Proto-Musgum *hadak ʸ thorn épine 10.1) Vulum (Tourneux) hedek épine 10.2) Mbara (Tourneux) taha thorn épine 10.3) Muskum (Tourneux) hedet épine
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hajaɣ n. ground squirrel écureuil (8 groups, 20 languages) C
This root is primarily found in the languages of the North sub-branch, but is also found in the Hurza group. The initial *h is retained in Proto-Mofu, and implied by the abnormal initial vowels in Proto-Hurza, Proto-Mandara, Proto-Maroua and Proto-Kotoko South, and the (compensatory) reduplication in Proto-Musgum. The *ɣ is retained in Glavda and Lamang. It has the reflex /g/ in Mpade, /h/ in the Hurza group, Mazera and Moloko, which borrowed the root from Mbuko. *ŋ is the reflex of *ɣ in Proto-Mofu, which was borrowed by Matal. The reflex *w in the Giziga languages is less natural, and may imply that *ɣ was labialised. None of these changes are established regular changes. The *j has triggered the creation of the palatalisation in some Mofu group languages, which is a common sporadic process.
1Proto-Hurza *ajah squirrrel écureuil 1.1) Mbuko (Gravina) ajah squirrel écureuil 1.1.1) Mbuko (Gravina) wananajah squirrel écureuil 1.2) Vame (Kinnaird) ājáh squirrel écureuil
2Proto-Mandara *ajaɣ squirrel écureuil 2.1) Matal (Branger) hājàŋ squirrel écureuil 2.2) Mandara (Fluckiger) jàjè écureuil (m) 2.3) Malgwa (Löhr) jeje squirrel écureuil 2.4) Glavda (Nghagyiva) ájàʁájàʁa squirrel écureuil 2.4.1) Glavda (Owens) ajaγája squirrel écureuil
3Proto-Mofu *hajaŋ squirrel écureuil 3.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) àjèŋ squirrel écureuil 3.2) Muyang (Smith) ejeŋ Striped ground squirrel Ecureuil fouisseur (écureuil de terre) 3.3) Moloko (Friesen) ajah squirrel écureuil 3.4) Zulgo (Haller) híjéŋ écureuil (m.) de terre 3.5) Gemzek (Sabatai) hijeŋ squirrel écureuil 3.6) Merey (Gravina) hijeŋ palm rat rat de palme 3.6.1) Merey (Gravina) hijeŋ écureuil 3.7) Dugwor (Jubumna) hijaŋ palm rat rat de palme 3.7.1) Dugwor (Jubumna) hijaŋ squirrel écureuil 3.8) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ajaŋ squirrel écureuil terrestre ou "Rat palmiste" 3.8.1) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ajaŋ aŋgʷa l'écureuil qui habite sur les rochers 3.8.2) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ajaŋ ᵑga palah l'écureuil qui habite sur la plaine
4Proto-Maroua *ajaw squirrel écureuil 4.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) jaw, ajaw écureuil, scyurus 4.1.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) jaw, ajaw écureuil, scyurus, un enfant né très petit, ou nim donné par un devin, ou surnom donné à un enfant qui commence à marcher très petit - On tourne l'enfant autour de la termitière pour qu'il grassit, surnom d'un enfant maigre 4.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) ajew palm rat rat de palme 4.2.1) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) ajew squirrel écureuil
5Proto-Lamang *jaɣe squirrel écureuil 5.1) Lamang (Wolff) jáɣ squirrel 5.1.1) Lamang (Wolff) jáɣè ground squirrel
6Proto-Kotoko North *jaga squirrel écureuil 6.1) Mpade (Allison) jágà flying squirrel écureil volant
7Proto-Kotoko South *ajahe squirrel écureuil 7.1) Mazera (Allison) ajahe squirrel écureuil
8Proto-Musgum *jaja squirrel écureuil 8.1) Mbara (Tourneux) jaja squirrel écureuil
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hakʷ nf. fire feu (14 groups, 39 languages) B
This root is an established Chadic root, though the exact form of the Proto-Central Chadic root is harder to pin down. The *kʷ is present in six of the group proto-languages, and has the reflex *gʷ in the Bata and Kotoko South groups, *ɣʷ in the Higi group, *ʔʷ in the Margi group, and *w in the Maroua, Kotoko Island, Kotoko North and Kotoko Centre groups, and in Mbara in the Musgum group. These are not established changes. There is strong evidence for an initial consonant, and an initial *h is reconstructed. The *h is present in the Daba, Margi, Kotoko North and Musgum groups. However, in many groups the *h has been lost completely. There are a few unusual reflexes. The Proto-Daba root is the result of metathesis. In the Mafa group, the *h has been lost, triggering compensatory prefixation in Mafa and compensatory reduplication in Cuvok.
1Proto-Bata *gʷɨ fire feu 1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) gúnə fire, heat. 1.2) Jimi (Djibi) gun Le feu 1.3) Sharwa (Gravina) rugʷə feu 1.4) Tsuvan (Johnston) gulkʷe le feu
2Proto-Daba *kʷahʷɨ fire feu 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) kʷɑhʷɑw fire feu 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) kʷɑhu fire feu 2.2.1) Gavar (Viljoen) kʷɑhu (be) hot 2.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) kahaw fire feu 2.4) Daba (Lienhard) kùhū le feu, la lampe
3Proto-Mafa *hakʷa fire feu 3.1) Mafa (Barreteau) vogʷa feu 3.2) Cuvok (Gravina) kʷakʷaw fire feu
4Proto-Sukur *kʷɨ fire feu 4.1) Sukur (David) ku fire 4.2) Sukur (Thomas) ku fire; is the general term for fire.
5Proto-Hurza *akʷa fire feu 5.1) Mbuko (Gravina) uko fire, light, electricity feu, lumière, electricité 5.2) Vame (Kinnaird) ákʷā fire feu
6Proto-Margi *hɨʔʷɨ fire feu 6.1) Bura (Blench) uʼu Fire 6.2) Margi (Hoffman) uʼu fire 6.3) Margi South (Harley) uʼu fire 6.4) Kilba (Schuh) huʼu fire
7Proto-Mofu *akʷɨ fire feu 7.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) àkù fire feu 7.2) Muyang (Smith) ɑku fire le feu, le courant électrique 7.3) Moloko (Friesen) oko fire feu 7.4) Zulgo (Haller) akʷá feu m. 7.5) Gemzek (Sabatai) ako fire feu 7.6) Merey (Gravina) ako feu 7.7) Dugwor (Jubumna) akʷa fire feu 7.8) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) awaw fire feu, chaleur torride
8Proto-Maroua *awɨ fire feu 8.1) Mbazla (Tourneux) awu feu 8.1.1) Mbazla (SILSurvey) àwú fire feu
9Proto-Higi *ɣʷi fire feu 9.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) ɣʷi 1.fire.2.flower 9.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) ɣʷi fire 9.3) Kirya (Blench) ɣù fire 9.4) Psikye (Angelo) gʷu fire 9.5) Bana (Lienhard) ɣʷə̀ feu
10Proto-Kotoko Island *aw fire feu 10.1) Buduma (McKone) aəw fire feu 10.2) Buduma (McKone) âw feu.
11Proto-Kotoko North *hɨw fire feu 11.1) Afade (Allison) hɨw fire feu 11.2) Malgbe (Allison) u fire feu 11.3) Maltam (Allison) jau fire feu
12Proto-Kotoko Centre *awɨ fire feu 12.1) Mser (Allison) awu fire feu
13Proto-Kotoko South *agʷa fire feu 13.1) Mazera (Allison) ago fire feu
14Proto-Musgum *huu, akʷɨ fire feu 14.1) Mbara (Tourneux) huu fire feu 14.2) Muskum (Tourneux) aku feu, chaud
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haᵐbɨr nm. skin peau (5 groups, 13 languages) A
*h is retained only in Moloko, but the presence of an initial vowel in the other Mofu group languages, along with Proto-Hurza and Vulum, supports its presence. No Proto-Central Chadic words begin with a vowel. The *ᵐb is found in all reflexes, except for Vulum where it has become /m/. *r has become *l as a result of a regular change in all the languages of the North major group, and also in Cuvok from a separate regular change. /r/ in Moloko is also the result of regular change.
1Proto-Mafa *ᵐbar skin peau 1.1) Cuvok (Gravina) ᵐbal skin (of man) peau (d'homme) 1.1.1) Cuvok (Gravina) ᵐbal skin (animal) (v) peau (d'animal) 1.1.2) Cuvok (Gravina) ᵐbal hide (of animal) peau (d'animal)
2Proto-Hurza *aᵐbar skin peau 2.1) Mbuko (Gravina) aᵐbar animal skin peau d'un animal 2.2) Vame (Kinnaird) àᵐbàr skin ; hide peau
3Proto-Mofu *haᵐbɨl skin peau 3.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) āᵐbə̀l skin, part of body peau, partie du corps 3.2) Muyang (Smith) ɑᵐbəl skin ; leather peau; cuir 3.3) Mada (Nkoumou) aᵐbal peau, cuir 3.3.1) Mada (Nkoumou) aᵐbal peau 3.4) Moloko (Friesen) haᵐbar skin peau 3.5) Gemzek (Sabatai) aᵐbəl hide (of animal); skin (animal) (v) peau (d'animal) 3.6) Merey (Gravina) ᵐbal hide (of animal) peau (d'animal) 3.7) Dugwor (Jubumna) aᵐbal hide (of animal); skin (of man) peau (d'animal); peau (d'homme) 3.8) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) áᵐbal peau (humaine ou animale)
4Proto-Higi *ᵐbɨl skin peau 4.1) Bana (Lienhard) ᵐbə́l sac en peau
5Proto-Musgum *amɨr skin peau 5.1) Vulum (Tourneux) amɨr peau
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haᵐbɨz ʸ n. blood sang (10 groups, 28 languages) A
The initial *h is lost in almost all languages, only being present in Mbazla. It is reconstructed largely due to the frequent reduplication, which is strongly indicative of a lost consonant. This compensatory reduplication has taken place in the Daba, Mafa, Sukur, Mofu, Maroua and Higi groups. The *ᵐb is not reduplicated in its entirety except in Buwal. In other languages, either the /b/ or the /m/ component is used to replace the lost *h. In the Hurza, Margi, Mandara and Higi groups, and the Tokombere subgroup of the Mofu group, *ᵐb has become *m, which is an unestablished change. In Mandara and Malgwa there was a regular change *m→w. The *z is devoiced in Proto-Margi as part of a regular change, and it is deleted in Proto-Higi, which is a common but not fully regular process for final consonants. There was metathesis of *ᵐb and *z in Proto-Bata. There is good support for the presence of the palatalisation prosody.
1Proto-Bata *zaᵐbe blood sang 1.1) Bata (Boyd) zààᵐbe blood 1.2) Bachama (Skinner) zaᵐbe blood
2Proto-Daba *haᵐbɨz blood sang 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) ᵐbɑᵐbɑz blood sang 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) ʼɑmpəs blood sang 2.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) muᵐbəz blood sang
3Proto-Mafa *baᵐbaz ʸ blood sang 3.1) Mafa (Ndokobai) paᵐbaz sang 3.2) Cuvok (Gravina) beᵐbez blood sang 3.2.1) Cuvok (Gravina) beᵐbez blood sang
4Proto-Sukur *muᵐbus blood sang 4.1) Sukur (David) muᵐbuss blood
5Proto-Hurza *mɨza ʸ blood sang 5.1) Mbuko (Gravina) mez blood sang 5.2) Vame (Kinnaird) mùnʒè blood sang
6Proto-Margi *masi ʸ blood sang 6.1) Kilba (Schuh) maʃi blood
7Proto-Mandara *mɨzɨ ʸ blood sang 7.1) Matal (Branger) aŋiz, aŋiʒ blood sang 7.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) muzá,-ə sang 7.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) úʒe sang (m) 7.4) Malgwa (Löhr) uuʒe blood
8Proto-Mofu *haᵐbɨz ʸ blood sang 8.1) Proto-Tokombere *amɨz ʸ blood sang 8.2) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) ámìz blood sang 8.3) Mada (Nkoumou) emeʒ sang 8.4) Zulgo (Haller) mə́ᵐbə̀z sang m. 8.5) Gemzek (Sabatai) baᵐbaz blood sang 8.6) Merey (Gravina) baᵐbaz blood sang 8.7) Mofu North (Barreteau) máᵐbàz sang 8.8) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) maᵐbaz sang
9Proto-Maroua *hɨᵐbɨs ʷ blood sang 9.1) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) puᵐbus blood sang 9.2) Mbazla (Tourneux) ʼaᵐbus, haᵐbus sang 9.2.1) Mbazla (SILSurvey) ǎᵐbūs blood sang
10Proto-Higi *mimi blood sang 10.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) mimji blood 10.1.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) mímí blood 10.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) mjimji blood 10.3) Kirya (Blench) mímí blood 10.4) Bana (Lienhard) mímí sang
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hɨdzɨn ʸ nf. mortar mortier (12 groups, 34 languages) C
There are two different cognate roots which are mixed here. In the presentation the Daba, Hurza and Mofu entries are divided according to which root is being used. The main difference between the roots is the choice of *n or *r as the final consonant. There is a regular change of final *n→r in the Margi-Mandara-Mofu major group, but this does not account for *r in the Proto-Bata, Proto-Sukur and Proto-Higi roots, along with Daba and Vame. Nor does it account for the /ŋ/ (from *n) in several Mofu group languages. A possible explanation is that the root existed before the sound change in the Margi-Mandara-Mofu major group, but that the different forms developed different uses, e.g. one was a large mortar for pounding millet and the other was a small mortar for pounding other items, and the two roots spread independently. *h is proposed to account for the frequent reduplication of the *n root. The *dz is frequently prenasalised, which is a sporadic process. The changes *dz→d in Proto-Musgum and *dz→z in Proto-Kotoko Centre are regular.
1Proto-Bata *ⁿdzɨrɨ ʸ mortar mortier 1.1) Jimi (Djibi) aⁿdzərən Petit mortier qui sert à piler le tabac pour priser. 1.2) Sharwa (Gravina) ⁿdʒirə mortier
2Proto-Daba *ⁿdzar ʸ mortar mortier 2.1) Daba (Lienhard) ⁿdʒēr mortier
3Proto-Daba *dzɨdzaŋ ʸ mortar mortier 3.1) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) dʒidʒeŋ mortar mortier
4Proto-Sukur *dzɨmdzɨr ʸ mortar mortier 4.1) Sukur (David) jim zər mortar, wooden 4.2) Sukur (Thomas) jimdzər, jimnzər, jimzər mortar;- is wooden mortar used for grinding source for soup.
5Proto-Hurza *dzɨra ʸ mortar mortier 5.1) Vame (Kinnaird) dzə́ré mortar mortier
6Proto-Hurza *dzɨⁿdzan ʸ mortar mortier 6.1) Mbuko (Gravina) dzəⁿdzen mortar mortier
7Proto-Margi *ⁿdzɨr ʸ mortar mortier 7.1) Bura (Blench) ⁿdʒir Grain mortar
8Proto-Mandara *dzɨrɨ mortar mortier 8.1) Matal (Branger) dzərəw // dzəru mortar mortier 8.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) dzə́ra,-ə mortier 8.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) dzerá mortier (m) 8.4) Malgwa (Löhr) dzəra mortar 8.5) Glavda (Nghagyiva) d͡zᵊɾa mortar, pounding pot 8.5.1) Glavda (Owens) dzi mortar
9Proto-Mofu *dzɨra mortar mortier 9.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) dzə́ró mortar mortier 9.2) Muyang (Smith) dʒərɑ mortar mortier 9.3) Mada (Nkoumou) adʒra mortier 9.4) Zulgo (Haller) dzəra mortier m.
10Proto-Mofu *dzɨdzaŋ ʸ mortar mortier 10.1) Muyang (Smith) dʒidʒiŋ mortar mortier 10.2) Moloko (Friesen) tʃədʒen mortar mortier 10.3) Gemzek (Sabatai) dzeŋdzeŋ mortar mortier 10.4) Merey (Gravina) dzəⁿdzeŋ mortar mortier 10.5) Dugwor (Jubumna) dʒədʒeŋ mortar mortier 10.6) Mofu North (Barreteau) dʒə̀ŋdʒèŋ mortier 10.7) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) dʒédʒeŋ mortier
11Proto-Maroua *dzɨdzɨŋ ʸ mortar mortier 11.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) dʒidʒiŋ mortier à mil 11.1.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) dʒidʒiŋ pilon à mil 11.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) dʒidʒeŋ mortar mortier
12Proto-Higi *ⁿdzir mortar mortier 12.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) ⁿdzírí Mortar 12.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) ⁿdzir mortar; pounding pot
13Proto-Kotoko Island *adzin mortar mortier 13.1) Buduma (McKone) aedʒin mortar mortier 13.2) Buduma (McKone) âdʒin mortier.
14Proto-Kotoko Centre *zɨn mortar mortier 14.1) Lagwan (Allison) zɨnha mortar mortier 14.2) Mser (Allison) azɨn mortar mortier
15Proto-Musgum *dɨŋ mortar mortier 15.1) Vulum (Tourneux) adɨŋ mortier 15.2) Mbara (Tourneux) dinaj mortar 15.3) Muskum (Tourneux) tɨŋ Ceiba pentandra (Bombacaceae) 15.3.1) Muskum (Tourneux) tɨŋ mortier
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hɨkin num. three trois (12 groups, 42 languages) A
This root is attested across all groups except for Gidar, Musgum and the Kotoko groups. The final *n has become *r in the Margi, Mandara and Mofu groups as part of a regular change. However *r is also found in the Mafa group and in the Giziga languages, and the /ɗ/ in the Daba group is also a reflex of *r. These forms are the result of borrowing. The unestablished *r→ɗ change also took place in Mandara, Malgwa and Glavda. In Mandara the *i and *ɗ fused to create /j/. In Malgwa, there was an intermediate /ɗʲ/, which moved to a velar position as part of a regular process of velarisation of palatalised alveolars. All groups except for the Mandara and Lamang groups have *ma- prefixed to the root. In several groups, the *h has been lost, triggering compensatory lengthening of the *a from the prefix. The *i vowel is reconstructed on the basis of evidence from the Margi, Mandara and Maroua groups. The evidence is not conclusive as there is no support for *i from the Bata or Higi groups.
1Proto-Bata *mahɨkɨn three trois 1.1) Bata (Boyd) mʷààkɨ́n three 1.2) Gude (Hoskinson) mákə three 1.3) Jimi (Djibi) mahəkən Trois 1.3.1) Jimi (Djibi) mahəkən 3
2Proto-Daba *mahkaɗ three trois 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) mɑhkɑɗ three (3) trois (3) 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) mɑhkɑɗ three (3) trois (3) 2.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) makaɗ three (3) trois (3) 2.4) Daba (Lienhard) màkāɗ trois
3Proto-Mafa *mahkar three trois 3.1) Mafa (Barreteau) makár trois 3.2) Cuvok (Gravina) mahkar three (3) trois (3)
4Proto-Tera *mahkan three trois 4.1) Gaʼanda (Gwaji) mahkan three
5Proto-Sukur *maakɨn three trois 5.1) Sukur (David) maakən three
6Proto-Hurza *maakan three trois 6.1) Mbuko (Gravina) maakan three trois 6.2) Vame (Kinnaird) máᵑgān three trois
7Proto-Margi *maakir three trois 7.1) Bura (Blench) makir Three 7.2) Margi South (Harley) maakər three 7.3) Kilba (Schuh) maakəru// three
8Proto-Mandara *hɨkirɨ three trois 8.1) Matal (Branger) mākᵊ̀r three trois 8.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) makə́ra,-ə trois 8.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) kéjé trois 8.4) Malgwa (Löhr) kəɠje three 8.5) Glavda (Nghagyiva) xkr̩̀ɗa three (3) 8.6) Dghwede (Frick) xkre three
9Proto-Mofu *mahkɨr three trois 9.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) màkàr three trois 9.2) Muyang (Smith) mɑhkər three trois 9.3) Moloko (Friesen) makar three trois 9.4) Gemzek (Sabatai) makar three (3) trois (3) 9.4.1) Gemzek (Sabatai) makər three trois 9.5) Merey (Gravina) mahkar trois 9.6) Dugwor (Jubumna) makar three (3) trois (3) 9.7) Mofu North (Barreteau) màkàr trois 9.8) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) maakar three trois
10Proto-Maroua *maakaŋ three trois 10.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) makir trois 10.1.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) makir trente 10.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) makir three (3) trois (3) 10.3) Mbazla (SILSurvey) màkāŋ three trois 10.3.1) Mbazla (Tourneux) maakaŋ trois
11Proto-Lamang *hɨkɨna three trois 11.1) Lamang (Wolff) xkə́ná three 11.2) Hdi (Bramlett) həkən three trois
12Proto-Higi *maxkɨn three trois 12.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) makənə three 12.1.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) mɑ̀kə̀nə́ Three 12.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) makəo three 12.3) Kirya (Blench) makən three 12.4) Psikye (Angelo) maxkə́n three 12.4.1) Psikye (Angelo) maxkə́nə́ three 12.5) Bana (Lienhard) màxkàn trois
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hɨᵐbɨw n. armpit aisselle (7 groups, 19 languages) B
This root is attested across a good range of groups. The initial *h has been lost in Bachama and Mbuko. In Bachama this has triggered compensatory reduplication. The final *w has been reanalysed as labialisation in Bachama and Proto-Margi. In Bachama the *w has fused with the *ᵐb to form /mʷ/, and in Proto-Margi it fused with *h to form *hʷ. All of these are common sporadic processes. In the Mofu group and in Mbuko the attested roots have extra material added, i.e. /jɨk/ or /ɗ/, possibly reflecting an underlying compound. The Proto-Mafa form comes from metathesis of the first two consonants, a sporadic change.
1Proto-Bata *mʷamʷa armpit aisselle 1.1) Bachama (Skinner) mʷamʷatœ armpit
2Proto-Daba *haᵐbɨwa armpit aisselle 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) sɑᵐbuwɑ armpit aisselle 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) skɑ pɑpɑ armpit aisselle 2.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) pumpa armpit aisselle
3Proto-Mafa *ᵐbɨhaw armpit aisselle 3.1) Mafa (Ndokobai) hʷaɗ ᵐbəhaw aisselle 3.1.1) Mafa (Barreteau) ᵐbəhaw aisselle 3.2) Cuvok (Gravina) ᵐbuwa armpit aisselle
4Proto-Hurza *aᵐbajakʷ ʸ armpit aisselle 4.1) Mbuko (Gravina) aᵐbijœk armpit aisselle
5Proto-Margi *hʷɨᵐbɨ armpit aisselle 5.1) Margi (Hoffman) huᵐbu armpit 5.2) Kilba (Schuh) uᵐbu armpit
6Proto-Mofu *hɨᵐbɨɗ ʸ, hʷɨᵐbajak ʸ, ᵐbɨwa armpit aisselle 6.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) hùᵐbùwáj armpit aisselle 6.2) Moloko (Friesen) ᵐbejewk armpit aisselle 6.3) Zulgo (Haller) hìᵐbiɗ aisselle f. 6.4) Gemzek (Sabatai) həᵐbeɗ armpit aisselle 6.5) Merey (Gravina) huᵐbejək armpit aisselle 6.5.1) Merey (Gravina) huᵐbejək armpit aisselle 6.6) Dugwor (Jubumna) huᵐbajekʷ armpit aisselle 6.7) Mofu North (Barreteau) ᵐbúwā aisselle 6.8) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ᵐbəwá aisselle 6.8.1) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) sí-ᵐbəwá aisselle
7Proto-Higi *haᵐbɨwɨ armpit aisselle 7.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) haᵐbuwə armpit 7.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) haⁿduwa armpit
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hɨmɨɗ ʸ nm. wind vent (14 groups, 37 languages) A cf: taɬ.
This root is attested across the Central Chadic languages. The basic meaning is 'wind', but is extended to cover the concept 'cold' in many languages. The initial *h is realised as *s in several groups. This does not correspond with any known regular change, but it may be due to spreading of a cognate form from another branch of Chadic. The root *kʷɨhɨm 'mouse' shows similar distribution of *s and *h. The initial /h/ in Buduma is probably the result of a regular change *s→h in that language, rather than a reflex of Proto-Central Chadic *h. The *h has been sporadically lost in many languages, and has resulted in compensatory reduplication in Cuvok and the two Mofu languages. *m is sporadically realised as *ᵐb in a few languages. There is evidence for the palatalisation prosody from almost all groups where it is expected. In Gidar the /j/ is the regular result of the palatalisation of *ɗ.
1Proto-Bata *miɗɨ wind vent 1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) mə̀ɗá -ə air, wind 1.2) Jimi (Djibi) ᵐbiɗən Vent, souffle
2Proto-Daba *mɨɗ ʸ wind vent 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) mɑɗ (be) cold (objects) (être) froid 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) miɗ wind (n) vent 2.2.1) Gavar (Viljoen) miɗ air air 2.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) maɗ (be) cold (objects) (être) froid 2.4) Daba (Lienhard) mīɗ le vent, le souffle, la vie
3Proto-Mafa *mamaɗ ʸ wind vent 3.1) Cuvok (Gravina) memeɗ wind vent 3.1.1) Cuvok (Gravina) memeɗ cold froid
4Proto-Sukur *mɨɗ ʸ wind vent 4.1) Sukur (David) míɗ wind 4.2) Sukur (Thomas) miɗ wind
5Proto-Hurza *hɨmaɗe wind vent 5.1) Mbuko (Gravina) maɗ wind; cold vent, froid 5.2) Ndreme (Kinnaird) hùmàɗɛ̀ 5.3) Vame (Kinnaird) hə̀màɗè vent
6Proto-Margi *samaɗ ʸ wind vent 6.1) Bura (Blench) ʃaᵐbar Cold 6.1.1) Bura (Blench) ʃaᵐbar Wind 6.2) Margi (Hoffman) jamaɗə wind, cold 6.3) Margi South (Harley) jəᵐbaɗu wind
7Proto-Mofu *hɨmɨɗ ʸ wind vent 7.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) àmàɗ wind vent 7.2) Muyang (Smith) ɑməɗ air ; wind ; cold ; breath vent; froid 7.3) Mada (Nkoumou) amaɗ vent 7.4) Moloko (Friesen) həmaɗ wind, cold vent; froid 7.5) Zulgo (Haller) híᵐbíɗ vent m. 7.6) Gemzek (Sabatai) həᵐbeɗ le vent 7.7) Dugwor (Jubumna) həmeɗ wind vent 7.8) Mofu North (Barreteau) mèmə̀ɗ vent 7.8.1) Mofu North (Barreteau) mèmə̀ɗ froid 7.9) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) memeɗ vent, froid
8Proto-Maroua *hɨmɨɗ ʸ wind vent 8.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) himiɗ(i) vent, froid 8.1.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) himiɗ(i) se dégonfler 8.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) himeɗ wind vent 8.3) Mbazla (Tourneux) simeɗ vent 8.3.1) Mbazla (Tourneux) tʃimeɗ vent
9Proto-Kotoko Island *haᵐbaɗɨ wind vent 9.1) Buduma (McKone) həaᵐbaɗə; lieni cold weather temps froid 9.2) Buduma (McKone) hâᵐbaɗə le froid. 9.3) Buduma (McKone) hâᵐbəɗa froid.
10Proto-Kotoko North *samaɗe wind vent 10.1) Afade (Allison) semaɗe cold weather temps froid 10.2) Mpade (Allison) sɨ́máɗɨ̀ cold weather temps froid 10.3) Malgbe (Allison) tʃʼamare cold weather temps froid
11Proto-Kotoko Centre *sɨmaɗɨ wind vent 11.1) Lagwan (Allison) ʃima cold weather temps froid 11.1.1) Lagwan (Allison) sɨmaɗɨ; ɣʷava wind vent 11.2) Mser (Allison) sɨmaɗi cold weather temps froid
12Proto-Kotoko South *sɨmaɗe wind vent 12.1) Zina (Odden) asmaɗə; màgàwà wind vent 12.2) Mazera (Allison) sɨmɗe wind vent
13Proto-Musgum *sɨmaɗ ʸ wind vent 13.1) Vulum (Tourneux) sɨmer vent 13.1.1) Vulum (Tourneux) simer vent 13.2) Mbara (Tourneux) sumʼdaj cold 13.2.1) Mbara (Tourneux) sumʼdaj wind 13.3) Muskum (Tourneux) simet vent
14Proto-Gidar *sɨmja wind vent 14.1) Gidar (Hungerford) səmja vent, froid 14.2) Gidar (Schuh) səmja froid 14.3) Gidar (Schuh) səmja vent 14.4) Gidar (Hungerford) sɨmja froid
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hɨna v. lie down se coucher (8 groups, 21 languages) A
The basic sense is 'to lie down in order to sleep', but is extended to include 'give birth' in some languages. It is also used to denote the period of time when someone is asleep or extended periods in general, and in at least one language the nominalised form has the sense of a 'day', i.e. a period of twenty-four hours. The root is not found in any languages of the South sub-branch, except for Cuvok where this may be one of many borrowings from Mofu-Gudur. The *h has been lost in several Mofu group languages, and there has been metathesis of the *h and *n in Cuvok and Mbuko.
1Proto-Mafa *naha lie down se coucher 1.1) Cuvok (Gravina) naha lie down se coucher
2Proto-Hurza *hɨna lie down se coucher 2.1) Mbuko (Gravina) nahaj lie_down coucher 2.2) Vame (Kinnaird) hə̀nákádè lie down coucher
3Proto-Mandara *hɨna lie down se coucher 3.1) Matal (Branger) mahən hiŋ, mahin ~ lie down coucher 3.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) həna 1 coucher 3.2.1) Podoko (Swackhammer) həna 2 passer la nuit 3.2.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) həna 3 rester longtemps 3.3) Glavda (Nghagyiva) xɨ́ᵑgàna lie down
4Proto-Mofu *hɨna lie down se coucher 4.1) Zulgo (Haller) hə́ná se coucher 4.2) Zulgo (Haller) hə́ná passer la nuit 4.3) Gemzek (Sabatai) mehəne lie down se coucher 4.4) Merey (Gravina) həna lie down se coucher 4.5) Dugwor (Jubumna) manaj lie down se coucher 4.6) Mofu North (Barreteau) ménēj se coucher 4.6.1) Mofu North (Barreteau) ménēj passer la nuit 4.6.2) Mofu North (Barreteau) ménēj durer 4.7) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) ́n sleep dormir, se coucher ; passer la nuit ; durer
5Proto-Maroua *hɨn lie down se coucher 5.1) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) hən lie down se coucher 5.2) Mbazla (Tourneux) hən accoucher
6Proto-Lamang *hini lie down se coucher 6.1) Lamang (Wolff) hini sleep, lie down 6.2) Hdi (Bramlett) hanadata lie down to sleep se coucher
7Proto-Higi *hɨni lie down se coucher 7.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) hinigʷə lie down. 7.2) Kirya (Blench) hàànə́ to lie down 7.3) Bana (Lienhard) xə̀ní se coucher
8Proto-Kotoko Island *hɨnaj lie down se coucher 8.1) Buduma (McKone) hənaj lie down se coucher
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hɨpaɬ ʸ nf. shoulder épaule (8 groups, 19 languages) B rel. to: paɮa.
This root is probably related to the root *paɮa 'upper arm', though the lack of regularity in the reflexes of the lateral fricatives in the two roots indicates that these should not be considered as a single root, but as two related forms deriving from one root. The initial *h is lost in many languages, and this loss has triggered compensatory reduplication in many cases. There is evidence for the palatalisation prosody from almost all groups. There was metathesis of *p and *ɬ in the Mandara group, a sporadic process.
1Proto-Mafa *paɬpaɬ ʸ shoulder épaule 1.1) Mafa (Ndokobai) peɬpeɬ epaule
2Proto-Sukur *tapaɬ shoulder épaule 2.1) Sukur (Thomas) tapaɬ shoulder; either of the two parts of the body between the top of each arm and the neck.
3Proto-Hurza *paɬpaɬ ʸ shoulder épaule 3.1) Vame (Kinnaird) péɬpēɬ shoulder épaule
4Proto-Margi *apaɬa shoulder épaule 4.1) Bura (Blench) páɬáhà Shoulder Also pátláhù 4.2) Margi South (Harley) papaɮa shoulder 4.3) Kilba (Schuh) paɬəka shoulder
5Proto-Mandara *aɬapɨ ʸ shoulder épaule 5.1) Matal (Branger) dzàbàɬa᷆ shoulder épaule 5.2) Mandara (Fluckiger) náhjápéhjápé épaule (f) 5.3) Malgwa (Löhr) nahjepe shoulder 5.3.1) Malgwa (Löhr) lahjepe shoulder 5.4) Glavda (Owens) açá shoulder 5.4.1) Glavda (Nghagyiva) āçápa shoulder
6Proto-Mofu *hɨpaɬ ʸ shoulder épaule 6.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) mə̄pépéɬ shoulder épaule 6.2) Muyang (Smith) həpɑɬ both the shoulders, the part of the body that can be moved les épaules (qu'on peut hausser) 6.3) Mada (Nkoumou) ahpaɬ epaule 6.4) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) pepéɬ omoplate, épaule
7Proto-Maroua *papaɮ ʸ shoulder épaule 7.1) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) pepeɮ shoulder épaule
8Proto-Higi *baɮa shoulder épaule 8.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) báɮa shoulder 8.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) ᵐbaɮa shoulder 8.3) Kirya (Blench) bàbàɮà shoulder 8.4) Bana (Lienhard) báɮí épaule
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hɨra n. arm, hand bras, main (8 groups, 25 languages) C syn: paɮa, dzɨvɨ ʸ.
This is the most widely attested of the three roots for 'arm'. We expect to find *r→l in the languages of the North sub-branch, but the data from Podoko and much of the Mofu group contradicts this. Proto-Maroua *n word-final corresponds with *r word-final in these two groups, so it may be that the North sub-branch languages are reflexes of a different root *(a)han.
1Proto-Daba *ra arm bras 1.1) Buwal (Viljoen) rɑ arm bras 1.1.1) Buwal (Viljoen) rɑ hand main 1.2) Gavar (Viljoen) rɑ hand main 1.2.1) Gavar (Viljoen) rɑ arm bras
2Proto-Mafa *raj arm bras 2.1) Mafa (Barreteau) ráj main, bras 2.2) Cuvok (Gravina) ha hand, hand main, bras
3Proto-Tera *xar arm bras 3.1) Tera (Newman) xar hand (arm) 3.2) Nyimatli (Harley) khar hand 3.3) Gaʼanda (Gwaji) ᵐbǝrahera arm
4Proto-Sukur *ri arm, hand bras, main 4.1) Sukur (David) ri arm, hand 4.2) Sukur (Thomas) rəi hand:- is the part of the body at the end of the arm.
5Proto-Hurza *alaj arm bras 5.1) Mbuko (Gravina) alaj hand bras, main 5.2) Vame (Kinnaird) āláj arm |uc{main, bras} - de l'épaule jusqu'au bout des doigts
6Proto-Mandara *harɨ arm bras 6.1) Matal (Branger) ahal arm bras 6.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) hará,-ə main; bras
7Proto-Mofu *ahɨr, hɨlaj arm bras 7.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) āhár arm - from the shoulder to the tips of the fingers |uc{main, bras} - de l'épaule jusqu'au bout des doigts 7.2) Muyang (Smith) ɑhɑr hand ; arm ; handle ; branch main; bras; manche; branche 7.3) Mada (Nkoumou) ahar bras supérieur 7.4) Moloko (Friesen) ahar arm; hand bras; main 7.5) Zulgo (Haller) ahə́r main f. 7.6) Gemzek (Sabatai) ahər arm bras 7.7) Merey (Gravina) həlaj arm bras, main 7.8) Dugwor (Jubumna) laj arm bras 7.8.1) Dugwor (Jubumna) laj hand main 7.9) Mofu North (Barreteau) hār bras, main 7.10) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) har hand, arm la main, bras 7.10.1) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) har (sens figuré) temps, occasion
8Proto-Maroua *han arm bras 8.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) haŋ main, bras 8.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) han, haŋ hand; arm main; bras 8.3) Mbazla (Tourneux) haŋ bras 8.3.1) Mbazla (SILSurvey) hāŋ arm / hand bras / main
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hɨrɨdz ʸ nf. scorpion scorpion (12 groups, 35 languages) B
This root is found across almost all the Central Chadic groups, but is not found in any of the Kotoko groups. The initial *h is lost in several languages, a common sporadic change. In Mafa this has been compensated for by the addition of a prefixed /v/, a common process. The *r is expected to have the reflex *l in the groups of the North sub-branch, but this is not the case. The implication is that the root did not come into the languages from Proto-Central Chadic. The breadth of the attestations, and the changes found in the reflexes imply that the root is old. It may have existed in the South sub-branch, and spread from there into the North sub-branch. The *dz has the reflexes *ts, *d and *z. The *d in Proto-Musgum and *z in Proto-Gidar are regular, but there are no consistent patterns to the reflexes of *dz in other groups. The palatalisation prosody is retained in almost all groups where it is expected.
1Proto-Bata *hɨradzɨ ʸ scorpion scorpion 1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) àrə̀də̀də́nə scorpion. 1.2) Jimi (Djibi) redzən 1 - Varan; 2 - Scorpion 1.3) Sharwa (Gravina) ardə scorpion 1.4) Tsuvan (Johnston) hərdekən le scorpion
2Proto-Daba *rɨdzɨ ʸ scorpion scorpion 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) redʒe scorpion scorpion 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) rədʒi scorpion scorpion 2.3) Daba (Lienhard) īrdì le scorpion
3Proto-Mafa *haradz scorpion scorpion 3.1) Mafa (Ndokobai) varadza scorpion 3.2) Cuvok (Gravina) rats scorpion scorpion
4Proto-Sukur *ᵐbɨrdaj scorpion scorpion 4.1) Sukur (Thomas) ᵐbərdai scorpion; a small creature like an insects with sex legs, two front claws and a long tail that curves over it's back and can a poisonous sting.
5Proto-Hurza *rɨdza ʸ scorpion scorpion 5.1) Mbuko (Gravina) rədʒe scorpion scorpion
6Proto-Margi *hɨda ʸ scorpion scorpion 6.1) Bura (Blench) hidi Scorpion 6.2) Kilba (Schuh) ida/a scorpion
7Proto-Mandara *radzɨ ʸ scorpion scorpion 7.1) Matal (Branger) ālìʒ scorpion scorpion 7.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) raⁿdzá,-ə scorpion 7.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) érdze scorpion (m) 7.4) Malgwa (Löhr) ərdza scorpion 7.5) Glavda (Owens) ard scorpion 7.5.1) Glavda (Nghagyiva) árd͡za scorpion
8Proto-Mofu *hɨrɨda ʸ scorpion scorpion 8.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) árdà scorpion scorpion 8.2) Muyang (Smith) ɑⁿdrɑ (small yellow) scorpion sorte de petit scorpion jaune 8.3) Moloko (Friesen) harats scorpion scorpion 8.4) Zulgo (Haller) hìrde scorpion m. 8.5) Gemzek (Sabatai) hərdede scorpion scorpion 8.6) Merey (Gravina) hərdəde scorpion scorpion 8.7) Dugwor (Jubumna) arəde scorpion scorpion 8.8) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) aráts scorpion scorpion
9Proto-Maroua *arats ʸ scorpion scorpion 9.1) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) aratʃe scorpion scorpion 9.2) Mbazla (Tourneux) ʼaretʃ scorpion 9.2.1) Mbazla (Tourneux) ʼariʃ scorpion
10Proto-Lamang *rɨda scorpion scorpion 10.1) Lamang (Wolff) ə́rdà scorpion 10.2) Hdi (Bramlett) rəda scorpion le scorpion
11Proto-Musgum *hɨrɨdɨw scorpion scorpion 11.1) Vulum (Tourneux) hɨrduu scorpion 11.2) Mulwi (Tourneux) hirduu scorpion 11.3) Mbara (Tourneux) hurtuwaj scorpion 11.4) Muskum (Tourneux) hurut scorpion
12Proto-Gidar *hɨrzɨja scorpion scorpion 12.1) Gidar (Hungerford) hərzija scorpion
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hʷaɗik n. earth terre (12 groups, 24 languages) C
The basic meaning of this root is the soil or earth that the ground is made from. The evidence for *hʷ rather than *h comes from Cuvok, Mbuko and Lamang. In Cuvok the *h component has been lost, resulting in /w/. In Mbuko the labialisation is reanalysed as the labialisation prosody, and in Lamang it has resulted in /o/. These are common sporadic processes. In several languages the *ɗ and *i have fused, resulting in *j. In the Kilba the result is /ʔʲ/. In Kamwe-Futu and Bana the *i has caused the palatalisation of the *h. *k has been lost in all groups except for the Daba, Mafa and Hurza, which is not a regular process. The final /k/ in Hdi is a frozen suffix, and not a reflex of *k. The *i has direct support from the Margi, Lamang and Higi groups.
1Proto-Daba *hajak earth terre 1.1) Buwal (Viljoen) hɑjɑk ground, land sol 1.1.1) Buwal (Viljoen) hɑjɑk dirt, soil sol 1.1.2) Buwal (Viljoen) hɑjɑk country, ethnic area pays 1.2) Gavar (Viljoen) hɑjɑk dirt, soil terre 1.2.1) Gavar (Viljoen) hɑjɑk ground, land sol 1.2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) hɑjɑk country, ethnic area pays 1.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) hajak dirt, soil terre, sol 1.3.1) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) hajak ground, land terre 1.4) Daba (Lienhard) hàjə̄k ʼ la terre, le pays
2Proto-Mafa *wɨjak earth terre 2.1) Cuvok (Gravina) ujak terre
3Proto-Tera *ɣaj earth terre 3.1) Tera (Newman) ɣaj earth 3.1.1) Tera (Newman) ɣaj ground 3.1.2) Tera (Newman) ɣaj town 3.2) Nyimatli (Harley) ɣai dirt, soil
4Proto-Sukur *haɗ earth terre 4.1) Sukur (Thomas) haɗ ground
5Proto-Hurza *hʷigaj earth terre 5.1) Mbuko (Gravina) jugo earth la terre 5.2) Vame (Kinnaird) hígàj ground ; earth sol ; terre
6Proto-Margi *hɨɗi earth terre 6.1) Bura (Blench) hi Earth, soil, dirt 6.2) Kilba (Schuh) həʼi earth 6.2.1) Kilba (Schuh) həʼi land
7Proto-Mandara *haja earth terre 7.1) Mandara (Fluckiger) háhá terre (f) 7.2) Malgwa (Löhr) haha earth, soil, ground 7.3) Dghwede (Frick) xaja earth
8Proto-Mofu *ahɨɗ earth terre 8.1) Zulgo (Haller) àhə̀ɗ terre f., sol m.
9Proto-Maroua *haj earth terre 9.1) Mbazla (Tourneux) haj terre
10Proto-Lamang *hʷaɗi earth terre 10.1) Lamang (Wolff) hoɗo ground, earth 10.2) Hdi (Bramlett) haɗik soil, earth la terre
11Proto-Higi *hɨɗi earth terre 11.1) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) hjiɗi ground; land; earth 11.2) Kirya (Blench) hàhàj soil 11.3) Psikye (Angelo) xeɗí dirt, earth, ground 11.4) Bana (Lienhard) xjìɗì terre, pays
12Proto-Musgum *jahaj earth terre 12.1) Mbara (Tourneux) jahaj earth terre
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hʷaⁿdav n. hare lièvre (7 groups, 16 languages) A syn: vida.
There are two widespread roots for 'hare', with the other being *vidɨ. These roots are possibly cognate, though it is not clear how these two forms could have come about. The *hʷ has been lost in many languages, leaving /w/ in Mafa and several Mofu group languages, and a back vowel in Ouldeme and Mbara. In many cases /m/ has been prefixed to the root to compensate. This is one of only three roots where *ⁿd has been reconstructed. In Musgum the *ⁿd has the reflex /d/. *v has the reflex *f in Proto-Maroua. These are unestablished changes.
1Proto-Daba *maⁿdavan hare lièvre 1.1) Buwal (Viljoen) mɑⁿdəvɑn hare lièvre 1.2) Gavar (Viljoen) mɑⁿdəvɑn hare lièvre 1.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) məⁿdeveŋ hare lièvre 1.4) Daba (Lienhard) māⁿdàvə̄n le lapin, le lièvre
2Proto-Mafa *waⁿdav hare lièvre 2.1) Mafa (Barreteau) wáⁿdáv lièvre
3Proto-Hurza *ⁿdɨvan ʸ hare lièvre 3.1) Vame (Kinnaird) ⁿdìvèŋ rabbit ; hare lapin ; lièvre
4Proto-Mofu *hʷaⁿdav hare lièvre 4.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) ādāvò hare lièvre 4.2) Zulgo (Haller) hə́ⁿdáv lièvre m. 4.3) Merey (Gravina) waⁿdav hare lièvre 4.4) Dugwor (Jubumna) waⁿdav hare lièvre 4.5) Mofu North (Barreteau) wáⁿdáv lapin 4.6) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) hʷaⁿdav-ŋgʷa Lapin d'Afrique 4.6.1) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) hʷaⁿdav ᵑga palah Lièvre à oreilles de lapin 4.6.2) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) hʷaⁿdav lapin (nom gén.)
5Proto-Maroua *maⁿdaf hare lièvre 5.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) maⁿdaf lapin, lièvre (567,577,578) 5.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) maⁿdaf hare lièvre
6Proto-Musgum *mudivaj hare lièvre 6.1) Mbara (Tourneux) mudivaj hare lièvre
7Proto-Gidar *maⁿdava hare lièvre 7.1) Gidar (Schuh) maⁿdava/a lapin 7.2) Gidar (Hungerford) maⁿdava lièvre, lapin
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hʷiɗ n. stomach ventre (9 groups, 29 languages) B
The basic sense of this root is the interior of the belly, i.e. the lower part of the abdomen, and in particular the stomach. In some languages the word is used in prepositional constructions to mean 'inside something'. The *hʷ is retained in most groups, but has the reflex *w in Proto-Maroua, Proto-Musgum and Dugwor, which is a common sporadic change. The *ɗ has the reflex *r in Ga'anda, Mbazla and Proto-Musgum, which is an unestablished change. This is also a regular change word-finally for several Higi group languages, as is the loss of final consonants.The *i is reconstructed from the evidence from Proto-Tera, Proto-Lamang and Proto-Higi.
1Proto-Mafa *hʷaɗ belly ventre 1.1) Mafa (Ndokobai) hʷaɗ ventre 1.2) Cuvok (Gravina) hʷaɗ abdomen (external) estomac, abdomen (externe) 1.2.1) Cuvok (Gravina) ɬam da hʷaɗ stomach (internal) ventre (interne)
2Proto-Tera *hʷira belly ventre 2.1) Gaʼanda (Gwaji) hʷira stomach
3Proto-Sukur *hʷɨɗ belly ventre 3.1) Sukur (David) ɣuɗ belly 3.2) Sukur (Thomas) huɗ stomach; belly:- some body with a big stomack either man or woman.
4Proto-Mandara *hʷɨɗɨ belly ventre 4.1) Matal (Branger) hʷəɗ belly ventre 4.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) huɗa,-ə 1 ventre 4.2.1) Podoko (Swackhammer) huɗa,-ə 2 intérieur 4.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) huɗe ventre (m), intérieur (m), entrailles (f. pl.) 4.4) Malgwa (Löhr) huɗe stomach 4.5) Glavda (Nghagyiva) xùɗa stomach (internal) 4.5.1) Glavda (Owens) xʷə́d belly 4.6) Dghwede (Frick) xʷtʼe belly
5Proto-Mofu *hʷɨɗ belly ventre 5.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) huraɗ stomach ventre 5.2) Muyang (Smith) huɗ belly ; interior ; underide ventre; dessous 5.3) Mada (Nkoumou) hoɗ ventre (interne) 5.3.1) Mada (Nkoumou) hoɗ ventre (interne) 5.4) Moloko (Friesen) hoɗ stomach ventre 5.5) Zulgo (Haller) huɗ ventre m. 5.5.1) Zulgo (Haller) húɗ ventre m. 5.6) Gemzek (Sabatai) huɗ sein 5.6.1) Gemzek (Sabatai) hoɗ le sein 5.7) Merey (Gravina) huɗ ventre 5.8) Dugwor (Jubumna) waɗ stomach (internal) ventre (interne) 5.8.1) Dugwor (Jubumna) waɗ (təseve) abdomen (external) estomac, abdomen (externe) 5.9) Mofu North (Barreteau) hʷāɗ ventre 5.9.1) Mofu North (Barreteau) hʷaɗ ventre 5.10) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) hʷaɗ stomach ventre 5.10.1) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) hʷaɗ intérieur, centre
6Proto-Maroua *wuru belly ventre 6.1) Mbazla (Tourneux) wuru ventre 6.1.1) Mbazla (SILSurvey) àwúrù belly ventre
7Proto-Lamang *huɗi belly ventre 7.1) Lamang (Wolff) xúɗí belly, inside 7.2) Hdi (Bramlett) huɗi abdomen le ventre
8Proto-Higi *hʷiɗ belly ventre 8.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) hʷí stomach 8.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) hʷi stomach (internal) 8.3) Kirya (Blench) hʷúr stomach 8.4) Bana (Lienhard) xʷə́r ventre, grossesse
9Proto-Musgum *war belly ventre 9.1) Vulum (Tourneux) war ventre 9.2) Mbara (Tourneux) war belly
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hʷɨɗɨɬ ʸ nm., v. cough tousser (14 groups, 33 languages) B rel. to: gʷɨɗɨɮ.
This root may represent the noun or the verb. It is related to the root for 'belch', with belching being a voiced version of coughing. The root is difficult to reconstruct. The initial *hʷ is retained in Proto-Mandara and Proto-Musgum, has the reflex *w in Proto-Mafa, Proto-Kotoko South and Proto-Gidar., and in Proto-Maroua the reflex is *h. These are all common sporadic changes. In Proto-Tera it has the reflex *kʷ, which is an unestablished change. In Mbuko, the *hʷ is lost, and triggers the compensatory reduplication of /ɮ/. The *ɗ is lost in many groups, also triggering compensatory reduplication in languages of the Meri sub-group. Loss of these consonants and the resulting compensatory reduplication is a common sporadic process. In Proto-Sukur, Proto-Maroua and Proto-Gidar *ɗ has the reflex *r, which is an unestablished change. In other groups the glottal component has fused with the reflex of *hʷ. In Bura *w and *ɗ have fused to give *ɓ→b. The same process of *w+*ɗ→ɓ has taken place in Muyang and Moloko. In Kilba the process is *w+*ɗ→ʔʷ. These are common sporadic processes. In Zina the *ɗ was affected by the palatalisation prosody at some earlier time, resulting in the regular *ɗʲ→j. In the Higi group, the change is *ɗʲ→ʔʲ. In Mpade *hʷ has become *kʷ (an unestablished change), and this has fused with *ɗ to form the ejective /kʼʷ/. *ɬ has the regular reflex *ɮ in the South sub-group, though Mafa has the irregular reflex /ɬ/. There are also regular changes in Mpade *ɬ→ʃ, in Mser and Zina *ɬ→s, and in Mandara, Malgwa and Glavda *ɬʲ→hʲ. The palatalisation prosody is retained in several groups. There are also several instances where sporadic metathesis has taken place.
1Proto-Mafa *wɨɬa cough toux 1.1) Mafa (Ndokobai) wuɬa toux
2Proto-Tera *kʷɨɮa cough toux 2.1) Tera (Newman) kuɮa cough 2.2) Nyimatli (Harley) kuɮa cough (v)
3Proto-Sukur *ɮar ʸ cough tousser 3.1) Sukur (Thomas) ɮjar cough; to force out air suddenly and noicely through your throat, for when you have a cold.
4Proto-Hurza *ɮɨɮah ʸ cough toux 4.1) Mbuko (Gravina) ɮəɮe(h) cough toux
5Proto-Margi *wɨɗɨɬa cough toux 5.1) Bura (Blench) buɬa Cough 5.1.1) Bura (Blench) buɬa To cough 5.2) Kilba (Schuh) ʼuɬa/a cough(ing)
6Proto-Mandara *hʷɨɬah ʸ cough toux 6.1) Matal (Branger) mabəɮəhʷaj cough tousser 6.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) kuɬáha tousser 6.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) úhjá tousser 6.4) Malgwa (Löhr) ŋʷihja cough 6.5) Glavda (Nghagyiva) wúçᵊga cough (v) 6.6) Dghwede (Frick) wuɮaxa to cough
7Proto-Mofu *hʷɨɗɨɬ ʸ cough toux 7.1) Proto-Tokombere *wɨɗɨɬaj cough toux 7.2) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) ɗə̄ɬáj cough tousser 7.3) Muyang (Smith) ɓəɬɑj cough tousser 7.4) Moloko (Friesen) ɓəɬaj cough tousser 7.5) Proto-Meri *ɗɨɮah ʸ cough toux 7.6) Zulgo (Haller) àɮàh toux f. 7.7) Gemzek (Sabatai) mege ɮəɮah cough (v) tousser 7.8) Merey (Gravina) ɮəɮeh cough (v) tousser 7.9) Dugwor (Jubumna) megej ɮəlɮe cough (v) tousser
8Proto-Maroua *hɨrɬa ʸ cough toux 8.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) hirɬe toux, tuberculose 8.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) gi irɬe cough (v) tousser
9Proto-Higi *ʔʲɨɬa cough toux 9.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) ʼjáɬá Cough 9.1.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) ʼjathla cough 9.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) tsaiɬa cough 9.3) Psikye (Angelo) ʼjiɬá cough 9.4) Bana (Lienhard) ʼjiɬá la toux, la grippe, le catarrhe
10Proto-Kotoko North *hʷɨɗɨɬa cough toux 10.1) Afade (Allison) ɗɨɬa; ɗɨɬaun cough (v) tousser 10.2) Mpade (Allison) là kʼʷàʃán cough (v) tousser 10.2.1) Mpade (Allison) kʼʷàʃán cough toux 10.3) Malgbe (Allison) ɗaɬawun; ɗaɬa cough (v) tousser
11Proto-Kotoko Centre *wɨɗɨɬa cough toux 11.1) Lagwan (Allison) uɬawun cough (v) tousser 11.2) Mser (Allison) ɗasa cough (v) tousser
12Proto-Kotoko South *wasja cough toux 12.1) Zina (Odden) wàsjà cough (v) tousser
13Proto-Musgum *hʷaɬ cough toux 13.1) Mulwi (Tourneux) huɬi tousser 13.1.1) Mulwi (Tourneux) hoɬ toux 13.2) Mbara (Tourneux) ʼoɬ cough
14Proto-Gidar *wɨrɬa cough tousser 14.1) Gidar (Hungerford) ɨdiwərɬa tousser, toux
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hʷɨtsɨn ʸ nm. nose nez (15 groups, 52 languages) A
This is one of the most widely attested Central Chadic roots, and is absent from the data only in the Tera, Musgum and Gidar groups. The initial *hʷ is retained in several groups. In the Giziga languages the labialisation component has become the labialisation prosody, and in several other groups the labialisation component has been dropped. The *hʷ has been lost completely in a number of languages, and this has led to compensatory prefixation in Proto-Daba. These are all common sporadic processes. The *ts has the reflex *t in Proto-Mandara, Proto-Mofu and Proto-Maroua. However we would expect the reflex *t in Proto-Bata and Proto-Lamang, but not in the proto-languages where it is found in the data. *ts has the regular reflex *s in Proto-Kotoko Centre and Proto-Sukur. The final *n has become *r in the languages of the Margi-Mandara-Mofu major group as part of a regular change. The palatalisation prosody is present in all groups where it is expected, except for the Mafa group.
1Proto-Bata *tsɨnɨ ʸ nose nez 1.1) Bata (Boyd) ʃìne nose 1.2) Gude (Hoskinson) ʃìná -ə nose 1.3) Jimi (Djibi) ʃənən Nez 1.4) Sharwa (Gravina) tʃinə nez 1.5) Tsuvan (Johnston) mətʃine le nez
2Proto-Daba *mɨtsɨn ʸ nose nez 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) mtʃɑr nose nez 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) mtsər nose nez 2.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) ntʃur nose nez 2.4) Daba (Lienhard) mìtʃīʼn le nez
3Proto-Mafa *hɨtsan nose nez 3.1) Mafa (Barreteau) hə́tsán nez 3.2) Cuvok (Gravina) hətaŋ nose nez
4Proto-Sukur *sɨn ʸ nose nez 4.1) Sukur (David) ʃin nose 4.2) Sukur (Thomas) ʃin nose
5Proto-Hurza *hʷɨtsan ʸ nose nez 5.1) Mbuko (Gravina) tʃœn nose nez 5.2) Vame (Kinnaird) hə̄tʃéŋ nose nez
6Proto-Margi *hʷɨtsɨr ʸ nose nez 6.1) Margi (Hoffman) mtʃir nose 6.2) Margi South (Hoffman) tʃir nose 6.3) Kilba (Hoffman) tʃir nose 6.3.1) Kilba (Schuh) tʃir nose 6.4) Bura (Blench) kutʃir Nose
7Proto-Mandara *hɨtɨrɨ ʸ nose nez 7.1) Matal (Branger) tɪ᷆r nose nez 7.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) fətəra,-ə nez 7.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) ektare nez 7.4) Malgwa (Löhr) əktare nose 7.5) Glavda (Owens) xə́tə́ nose 7.5.1) Glavda (Nghagyiva) xᵊtɾa nose 7.6) Dghwede (Frick) xtire nose
8Proto-Mofu *hʷɨtɨr ʸ nose nez 8.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) hūⁿdār nose nez 8.2) Muyang (Smith) hiⁿdir nose nez 8.3) Mada (Nkoumou) hⁿdoer nez 8.4) Moloko (Friesen) həⁿder nez 8.5) Zulgo (Haller) hìtír nez m. 8.6) Gemzek (Sabatai) həter nose nez 8.7) Merey (Gravina) həter nose nez 8.8) Dugwor (Jubumna) məter nose nez 8.9) Mofu North (Barreteau) hàtàr nez 8.10) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) heter nose nez ; trompe (de l'éléphant)
9Proto-Maroua *hɨtɨn ʷ, kɨtɨŋ ʸ nose nez 9.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) hutuŋ nez 9.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) huton nose nez 9.3) Mbazla (Tourneux) kitiŋ nez 9.3.1) Mbazla (SILSurvey) kítīŋ nose nez
10Proto-Lamang *hɨtsiŋ nose nez 10.1) Lamang (Wolff) xtsínì nose 10.1.1) Lamang (Wolff) htsiŋ nose 10.2) Hdi (Bramlett) hətsiŋ nose le nez
11Proto-Higi *hɨtsʲɨn nose nez 11.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) ntʃhi nose 11.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) ntʃi nose 11.3) Kirya (Blench) nʃín nose 11.4) Bana (Lienhard) kʃə́n nez
12Proto-Kotoko Island *tsɨnaj nose nez 12.1) Buduma (McKone) tʃənaj nose nez
13Proto-Kotoko North *tsɨhɨn nose nez 13.1) Afade (Allison) tsɨn nose nez 13.2) Mpade (Allison) hásan nose nez 13.3) Maltam (Allison) sɨn nose nez 13.4) Malgbe (Allison) skɨn nose nez 13.4.1) Malgbe (Allison) skare nose nez
14Proto-Kotoko Centre *hɨsɨni nose nez 14.1) Lagwan (Allison) xsɨni nose nez 14.2) Mser (Allison) asɨn nose nez
15Proto-Kotoko South *hɨtsɨne nose nez 15.1) Zina (Odden) hískíní nose nez 15.2) Mazera (Allison) hɨtʃɨne nose nez
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ja nf. mother mère (6 groups, 10 languages) B syn: mama.
This root is borrowed from Kanuri, and is found only in the groups with close contact with Kanuri.
1Proto-Mandara *ɨja mother mère 1.1) Matal (Branger) əja, ija mother mère
2Proto-Kotoko Island *jɨ mother mère 2.1) Buduma (McKone) jaj mère. 2.2) Buduma (McKone) jə mère, yi. 2.3) Buduma (McKone) ji mère (s). 2.4) Buduma (McKone) ji; jaj mother mère
3Proto-Kotoko North *ɨja mother mère 3.1) Afade (Allison) ija mother mère 3.2) Mpade (Allison) já mother mère 3.3) Malgbe (Allison) ija mother mère
4Proto-Kotoko Centre *ɨja mother mère 4.1) Lagwan (Allison) ɨma; ija mother mère 4.2) Mser (Allison) ija; mɨ tɨrɨn mother mère
5Proto-Kotoko South *ɨja mother mère 5.1) Zina (Odden) íjà mother mère 5.2) Mazera (Allison) ija mother mère
6Proto-Musgum *ʔɨja mother mère 6.1) Mbara (Tourneux) ʼija mother mère
7Kanuri jâ mother mère
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kɨdɨm nm. crocodile crocodile (11 groups, 33 languages) C syn: rigɨ.
This well-attested root is surprisingly difficult to reconstruct. It is probably borrowed from Nilo-Saharan at an early stage of the history of Central Chadic, but does not come directly from the Kanuri 'karam'. The initial *k has the unestablished reflexes *g in Mbuko and some of the Mofu group languages, and *h in Proto-Musgum. *d is reconstructed as the second consonant. There was a change of word-medial *d→r in the North sub-branch, though the *d is not retained in Proto-Bata or Proto-Sukur. The presence of *d coincides with the presence of *g. The original root may have been *gɨdɨm, and developed into *kɨrɨm in the North sub-branch, and then the two competing roots spread between languages at a later stage. Alternatively, two different cognates may have been borrowed into Central Chadic from different directions. In Proto-Mandara, the final *m has become *w as part of a regular change.
1Proto-Bata *kɨrɨm crocodile crocodile 1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) kə́rə́má -ə crocodile 1.2) Jimi (Djibi) kərəmən Crocodile
2Proto-Mafa *kɨrdam, gɨdam crocodile crocodile 2.1) Mafa (Ndokobai) kərdam crocodile 2.2) Cuvok (Gravina) gədam crocodile crocodile
3Proto-Sukur *kɨlɨm crocodile crocodile 3.1) Sukur (David) kəlum crocodile 3.2) Sukur (Thomas) kələm crocodile; a large reptile with a long tail, hard skin, big jaws and lives in rivers.
4Proto-Hurza *gɨdam crocodile crocodile 4.1) Mbuko (Gravina) gədam crocodile crocodile
5Proto-Margi *hɨm, karam crocodile crocodile 5.1) Margi (Hoffman) həm crocodile 5.2) Margi South (Harley) həm crocodile 5.3) Kilba (Schuh) karam crocodile
6Proto-Mandara *kɨrwɨ ʸ crocodile crocodile 6.1) Matal (Branger) kʷədəw, kudu crocodile crocodile 6.2) Mandara (Fluckiger) kjérrúe caïman (m), crocodile, alligator 6.3) Malgwa (Löhr) kirwe crocodile 6.4) Glavda (Nghagyiva) kírwa crocodile 6.4.1) Glavda (Owens) kír crocodile
7Proto-Mofu *kɨrɨm, gɨdam crocodile crocodile 7.1) Muyang (Smith) kurᵐbu Nile crocodile crocodile 7.2) Mada (Nkoumou) akrám crocodile 7.3) Moloko (Friesen) kəraᵐba crocodile cayman crocodile 7.4) Zulgo (Haller) kə̀rəm crocodile m. 7.5) Gemzek (Sabatai) kəram crocodile crocodile 7.6) Merey (Gravina) gədam crocodile crocodile 7.7) Dugwor (Jubumna) gədam crocodile crocodile 7.8) Mofu North (Barreteau) gə̀dàm crocodile 7.9) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) gədem crocodile
8Proto-Maroua *hɨrɨm ʷ crocodile crocodile 8.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) hurum caiþman,crocodile 8.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) hurom crocodile crocodile 8.3) Mbazla (Tourneux) hurum crocodile
9Proto-Lamang *kɨram crocodile crocodile 9.1) Lamang (Wolff) kəram crocodile 9.2) Hdi (Bramlett) kəram crocodile le crocodile
10Proto-Higi *kɨlɨm crocodile crocodile 10.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) kə́lmí crocodile 10.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) kələməᵑg crocodile 10.3) Kirya (Blench) hə̀lə́mə́ crocodile 10.4) Bana (Lienhard) kə́lə́ᵐbə́ crocodile, claman
11Proto-Musgum *hɨrɨm ʷ crocodile crocodile 11.1) Vulum (Tourneux) horum crocodile 11.2) Mbara (Tourneux) hurum crocodile crocodile
12Kanuri kárám crocodile crocodile
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kɨja nm. moon lune (7 groups, 23 languages) A syn: tira.
The basic sense of this root is 'moon', but it has the extended sense 'month' i.e. a period of time, in almost all languages. This is one of two roots for 'moon', with *tira being used widely across Chadic languages. The *k is realised as *h in Proto-Margi, an unestablished change, and also in Zina where this is a regular change. In some Mofu group languages the *j has triggered the creation of the palatalisation prosody, which is a common sporadic process.
1Proto-Mafa *kɨja moon lune 1.1) Mafa (Barreteau) kija lune 1.2) Cuvok (Gravina) kija moon lune 1.2.1) Cuvok (Gravina) kija month mois
2Proto-Hurza *kɨja moon lune 2.1) Mbuko (Gravina) kija moon; month lune; mois 2.2) Vame (Kinnaird) kíjāhkē moon lune ; mois
3Proto-Margi *hja moon lune 3.1) Margi (Hoffman) hja moon, month 3.2) Margi South (Harley) hja moon 3.3) Kilba (Schuh) hja moon, month
4Proto-Mofu *kɨja moon lune 4.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) kʷìjò moon lune 4.1.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) kʷìjò month mois 4.2) Muyang (Smith) kiji moon ; month lune; mois 4.3) Mada (Nkoumou) màwɮàr já kja clarté de la lune 4.4) Moloko (Friesen) kəja moon lune 4.4.1) Moloko (Friesen) kəja month mois 4.5) Zulgo (Haller) kije lune f. 4.5.1) Zulgo (Haller) kije mois m. 4.6) Gemzek (Sabatai) kije month mois 4.6.1) Gemzek (Sabatai) kije moon lune 4.7) Merey (Gravina) kije month mois; lune 4.8) Dugwor (Jubumna) kija moon; month lune; mois 4.9) Mofu North (Barreteau) kija lune, mois 4.10) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) kijá lune 4.10.1) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) kijá mois (lunaire) 4.10.2) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) kijá saison
5Proto-Maroua *kɨja moon lune 5.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) kija lune, mois 5.1.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) kija début saison des pluies (IV-I) 5.1.2) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) kija 5.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) kija moon lune 5.2.1) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) kija month mois 5.3) Mbazla (SILSurvey) kíjáh moon lune 5.3.1) Mbazla (Tourneux) kija lune
6Proto-Kotoko Island *kɨja moon lune 6.1) Buduma (McKone) kija mois, nouvelle lune. 6.2) Buduma (McKone) kija; kija hə bohu month mois
7Proto-Kotoko South *kɨja moon lune 7.1) Zina (Odden) hìjà moon lune 7.1.1) Zina (Odden) hìjà month mois 7.2) Mazera (Allison) kija moon lune
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