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hʷaⁿdav n. hare lièvre (7 groups, 16 languages) A syn: vida.
There are two widespread roots for 'hare', with the other being *vidɨ. These roots are possibly cognate, though it is not clear how these two forms could have come about. The *hʷ has been lost in many languages, leaving /w/ in Mafa and several Mofu group languages, and a back vowel in Ouldeme and Mbara. In many cases /m/ has been prefixed to the root to compensate. This is one of only three roots where *ⁿd has been reconstructed. In Musgum the *ⁿd has the reflex /d/. *v has the reflex *f in Proto-Maroua. These are unestablished changes.
1Proto-Daba *maⁿdavan hare lièvre 1.1) Buwal (Viljoen) mɑⁿdəvɑn hare lièvre 1.2) Gavar (Viljoen) mɑⁿdəvɑn hare lièvre 1.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) məⁿdeveŋ hare lièvre 1.4) Daba (Lienhard) māⁿdàvə̄n le lapin, le lièvre
2Proto-Mafa *waⁿdav hare lièvre 2.1) Mafa (Barreteau) wáⁿdáv lièvre
3Proto-Hurza *ⁿdɨvan ʸ hare lièvre 3.1) Vame (Kinnaird) ⁿdìvèŋ rabbit ; hare lapin ; lièvre
4Proto-Mofu *hʷaⁿdav hare lièvre 4.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) ādāvò hare lièvre 4.2) Zulgo (Haller) hə́ⁿdáv lièvre m. 4.3) Merey (Gravina) waⁿdav hare lièvre 4.4) Dugwor (Jubumna) waⁿdav hare lièvre 4.5) Mofu North (Barreteau) wáⁿdáv lapin 4.6) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) hʷaⁿdav-ŋgʷa Lapin d'Afrique 4.6.1) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) hʷaⁿdav ᵑga palah Lièvre à oreilles de lapin 4.6.2) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) hʷaⁿdav lapin (nom gén.)
5Proto-Maroua *maⁿdaf hare lièvre 5.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) maⁿdaf lapin, lièvre (567,577,578) 5.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) maⁿdaf hare lièvre
6Proto-Musgum *mudivaj hare lièvre 6.1) Mbara (Tourneux) mudivaj hare lièvre
7Proto-Gidar *maⁿdava hare lièvre 7.1) Gidar (Schuh) maⁿdava/a lapin 7.2) Gidar (Hungerford) maⁿdava lièvre, lapin
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hʷaraj n. shame honte (6 groups, 11 languages) B syn: zɨrwa ʸ.
This root is one of two roots for 'shame', the best attested concept that relates solely to an emotional state. The attestations are limited, which is to be expected as this concept is only found in the better developed word lists and dictionaries, but they come from a range of groups and show the changes that are expected in a long-standing Central Chadic root. The *hʷ is retained in Proto-Mafa, Proto-Mofu and Proto-Lamang. In the other three groups it is realised as *w, which is a common sporadic process. In Gemzek the labialisation component has been reanalysed as the labialisation prosody. The *r has undergone the regular change to *l in the languages of the North sub-branch and Proto-Daba, except that *r is found in Proto-Mofu. This indicates a certain degree of borrowing within Central Chadic. The *j is reanalysed as the palatalisation prosody in Daba, as /i/ in Gidar, and is lost in Hdi. These are all common sporadic processes.
1Proto-Daba *walɨ ʸ shame honte 1.1) Daba (Lienhard) wèlī la honte, la gêne
2Proto-Mafa *hʷaraj shame honte 2.1) Mafa (Barreteau) hʷaraj honte 2.2) Cuvok (Gravina) hʷaraj (be) ashamed (avoir) honte 2.2.1) Cuvok (Gravina) hʷaraj shame (n) honte
3Proto-Hurza *waraj shame honte 3.1) Mbuko (Gravina) waraj shame honte
4Proto-Mofu *hʷaraj shame honte 4.1) Zulgo (Haller) hʷarwá honte f. 4.2) Gemzek (Sabatai) horo shame (n) honte 4.3) Merey (Gravina) hʷaraj shame (n) honte 4.4) Dugwor (Jubumna) hʷoraj shame (n) honte 4.5) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) hʷaraj honte, déshonneur
5Proto-Lamang *hʷɨla shame honte 5.1) Hdi (Bramlett) hula shame la honte
6Proto-Gidar *wɨli shame honte 6.1) Gidar (Hungerford) wɨli honte
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hʷiɗ n. stomach ventre (9 groups, 29 languages) B
The basic sense of this root is the interior of the belly, i.e. the lower part of the abdomen, and in particular the stomach. In some languages the word is used in prepositional constructions to mean 'inside something'. The *hʷ is retained in most groups, but has the reflex *w in Proto-Maroua, Proto-Musgum and Dugwor, which is a common sporadic change. The *ɗ has the reflex *r in Ga'anda, Mbazla and Proto-Musgum, which is an unestablished change. This is also a regular change word-finally for several Higi group languages, as is the loss of final consonants.The *i is reconstructed from the evidence from Proto-Tera, Proto-Lamang and Proto-Higi.
1Proto-Mafa *hʷaɗ belly ventre 1.1) Mafa (Ndokobai) hʷaɗ ventre 1.2) Cuvok (Gravina) hʷaɗ abdomen (external) estomac, abdomen (externe) 1.2.1) Cuvok (Gravina) ɬam da hʷaɗ stomach (internal) ventre (interne)
2Proto-Tera *hʷira belly ventre 2.1) Gaʼanda (Gwaji) hʷira stomach
3Proto-Sukur *hʷɨɗ belly ventre 3.1) Sukur (David) ɣuɗ belly 3.2) Sukur (Thomas) huɗ stomach; belly:- some body with a big stomack either man or woman.
4Proto-Mandara *hʷɨɗɨ belly ventre 4.1) Matal (Branger) hʷəɗ belly ventre 4.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) huɗa,-ə 1 ventre 4.2.1) Podoko (Swackhammer) huɗa,-ə 2 intérieur 4.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) huɗe ventre (m), intérieur (m), entrailles (f. pl.) 4.4) Malgwa (Löhr) huɗe stomach 4.5) Glavda (Nghagyiva) xùɗa stomach (internal) 4.5.1) Glavda (Owens) xʷə́d belly 4.6) Dghwede (Frick) xʷtʼe belly
5Proto-Mofu *hʷɨɗ belly ventre 5.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) huraɗ stomach ventre 5.2) Muyang (Smith) huɗ belly ; interior ; underide ventre; dessous 5.3) Mada (Nkoumou) hoɗ ventre (interne) 5.3.1) Mada (Nkoumou) hoɗ ventre (interne) 5.4) Moloko (Friesen) hoɗ stomach ventre 5.5) Zulgo (Haller) huɗ ventre m. 5.5.1) Zulgo (Haller) húɗ ventre m. 5.6) Gemzek (Sabatai) huɗ sein 5.6.1) Gemzek (Sabatai) hoɗ le sein 5.7) Merey (Gravina) huɗ ventre 5.8) Dugwor (Jubumna) waɗ stomach (internal) ventre (interne) 5.8.1) Dugwor (Jubumna) waɗ (təseve) abdomen (external) estomac, abdomen (externe) 5.9) Mofu North (Barreteau) hʷāɗ ventre 5.9.1) Mofu North (Barreteau) hʷaɗ ventre 5.10) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) hʷaɗ stomach ventre 5.10.1) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) hʷaɗ intérieur, centre
6Proto-Maroua *wuru belly ventre 6.1) Mbazla (Tourneux) wuru ventre 6.1.1) Mbazla (SILSurvey) àwúrù belly ventre
7Proto-Lamang *huɗi belly ventre 7.1) Lamang (Wolff) xúɗí belly, inside 7.2) Hdi (Bramlett) huɗi abdomen le ventre
8Proto-Higi *hʷiɗ belly ventre 8.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) hʷí stomach 8.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) hʷi stomach (internal) 8.3) Kirya (Blench) hʷúr stomach 8.4) Bana (Lienhard) xʷə́r ventre, grossesse
9Proto-Musgum *war belly ventre 9.1) Vulum (Tourneux) war ventre 9.2) Mbara (Tourneux) war belly
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hʷisɨs nf. hedgehog hérisson (6 groups, 15 languages) C
The initial *hʷ has become *w in Proto-Hurza and Margi, *u in Proto-Mandara, and has developed into the labialisation prosody in Mbuko and Gemzek, with or without the *h component. It has become *h in Proto-Higi and has been lost in several languages of the Mofu group. These are all common sporadic changes. The /f/ in Kirya could be a development of *h, or the root could be unrelated. In Buwal, Merey and Mofu North there is evidence for a glottal consonant in the word. The form that we have reconstructed could be a reflex of a reduplicated form such as *hʷisa-hʷisa. If there was a glottal consonant, the original root may have been *hʷisaɗ, with the other forms coming from simplified versions of the reduplicated root. More data is needed to clarify this.
1Proto-Daba *hʷasasaɓ hedgehog hérisson 1.1) Buwal (Viljoen) hʷɑsɑsɑɓ cane rat, cutting grass, grass cutter hérisson
2Proto-Hurza *wɨsa hedgehog hérisson 2.1) Mbuko (Gravina) usos hedgehog hérison 2.2) Vame (Kinnaird) āwúʃāwúʃà hedgehog hérisson
3Proto-Margi *hʷisɨ hedgehog hérisson 3.1) Bura (Blench) hʷisa Hedgehog Erinaceus albiventris hérisson 3.2) Margi (Hoffman) wisə hedgehog hérisson
4Proto-Mandara *ususa hedgehog hérisson 4.1) Mandara (Fluckiger) úsusa hérisson (m) 4.2) Malgwa (Löhr) ususa hedgehog hérisson
5Proto-Mofu *hʷasɨs hedgehog hérisson 5.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) āsás hedgehog hérisson 5.2) Muyang (Smith) ɑsus hedgehog hérisson 5.3) Zulgo (Haller) asús hérisson m. 5.4) Gemzek (Sabatai) hosos cane rat, cutting grass, grass cutter hérisson 5.5) Merey (Gravina) ɗasus cane rat, cutting grass, grass cutter hérisson 5.6) Mofu North (Barreteau) ʔōʔōs hérisson
6Proto-Higi *hasɨsɨ hedgehog hérisson 6.1) Kirya (Blench) físà hedgehog hérisson 6.2) Bana (Lienhard) xàsə́sə̀ hérisson
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hʷɨɗɨɬ ʸ nm., v. cough tousser (14 groups, 33 languages) B rel. to: gʷɨɗɨɮ.
This root may represent the noun or the verb. It is related to the root for 'belch', with belching being a voiced version of coughing. The root is difficult to reconstruct. The initial *hʷ is retained in Proto-Mandara and Proto-Musgum, has the reflex *w in Proto-Mafa, Proto-Kotoko South and Proto-Gidar., and in Proto-Maroua the reflex is *h. These are all common sporadic changes. In Proto-Tera it has the reflex *kʷ, which is an unestablished change. In Mbuko, the *hʷ is lost, and triggers the compensatory reduplication of /ɮ/. The *ɗ is lost in many groups, also triggering compensatory reduplication in languages of the Meri sub-group. Loss of these consonants and the resulting compensatory reduplication is a common sporadic process. In Proto-Sukur, Proto-Maroua and Proto-Gidar *ɗ has the reflex *r, which is an unestablished change. In other groups the glottal component has fused with the reflex of *hʷ. In Bura *w and *ɗ have fused to give *ɓ→b. The same process of *w+*ɗ→ɓ has taken place in Muyang and Moloko. In Kilba the process is *w+*ɗ→ʔʷ. These are common sporadic processes. In Zina the *ɗ was affected by the palatalisation prosody at some earlier time, resulting in the regular *ɗʲ→j. In the Higi group, the change is *ɗʲ→ʔʲ. In Mpade *hʷ has become *kʷ (an unestablished change), and this has fused with *ɗ to form the ejective /kʼʷ/. *ɬ has the regular reflex *ɮ in the South sub-group, though Mafa has the irregular reflex /ɬ/. There are also regular changes in Mpade *ɬ→ʃ, in Mser and Zina *ɬ→s, and in Mandara, Malgwa and Glavda *ɬʲ→hʲ. The palatalisation prosody is retained in several groups. There are also several instances where sporadic metathesis has taken place.
1Proto-Mafa *wɨɬa cough toux 1.1) Mafa (Ndokobai) wuɬa toux
2Proto-Tera *kʷɨɮa cough toux 2.1) Tera (Newman) kuɮa cough 2.2) Nyimatli (Harley) kuɮa cough (v)
3Proto-Sukur *ɮar ʸ cough tousser 3.1) Sukur (Thomas) ɮjar cough; to force out air suddenly and noicely through your throat, for when you have a cold.
4Proto-Hurza *ɮɨɮah ʸ cough toux 4.1) Mbuko (Gravina) ɮəɮe(h) cough toux
5Proto-Margi *wɨɗɨɬa cough toux 5.1) Bura (Blench) buɬa Cough 5.1.1) Bura (Blench) buɬa To cough 5.2) Kilba (Schuh) ʼuɬa/a cough(ing)
6Proto-Mandara *hʷɨɬah ʸ cough toux 6.1) Matal (Branger) mabəɮəhʷaj cough tousser 6.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) kuɬáha tousser 6.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) úhjá tousser 6.4) Malgwa (Löhr) ŋʷihja cough 6.5) Glavda (Nghagyiva) wúçᵊga cough (v) 6.6) Dghwede (Frick) wuɮaxa to cough
7Proto-Mofu *hʷɨɗɨɬ ʸ cough toux 7.1) Proto-Tokombere *wɨɗɨɬaj cough toux 7.2) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) ɗə̄ɬáj cough tousser 7.3) Muyang (Smith) ɓəɬɑj cough tousser 7.4) Moloko (Friesen) ɓəɬaj cough tousser 7.5) Proto-Meri *ɗɨɮah ʸ cough toux 7.6) Zulgo (Haller) àɮàh toux f. 7.7) Gemzek (Sabatai) mege ɮəɮah cough (v) tousser 7.8) Merey (Gravina) ɮəɮeh cough (v) tousser 7.9) Dugwor (Jubumna) megej ɮəlɮe cough (v) tousser
8Proto-Maroua *hɨrɬa ʸ cough toux 8.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) hirɬe toux, tuberculose 8.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) gi irɬe cough (v) tousser
9Proto-Higi *ʔʲɨɬa cough toux 9.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) ʼjáɬá Cough 9.1.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) ʼjathla cough 9.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) tsaiɬa cough 9.3) Psikye (Angelo) ʼjiɬá cough 9.4) Bana (Lienhard) ʼjiɬá la toux, la grippe, le catarrhe
10Proto-Kotoko North *hʷɨɗɨɬa cough toux 10.1) Afade (Allison) ɗɨɬa; ɗɨɬaun cough (v) tousser 10.2) Mpade (Allison) là kʼʷàʃán cough (v) tousser 10.2.1) Mpade (Allison) kʼʷàʃán cough toux 10.3) Malgbe (Allison) ɗaɬawun; ɗaɬa cough (v) tousser
11Proto-Kotoko Centre *wɨɗɨɬa cough toux 11.1) Lagwan (Allison) uɬawun cough (v) tousser 11.2) Mser (Allison) ɗasa cough (v) tousser
12Proto-Kotoko South *wasja cough toux 12.1) Zina (Odden) wàsjà cough (v) tousser
13Proto-Musgum *hʷaɬ cough toux 13.1) Mulwi (Tourneux) huɬi tousser 13.1.1) Mulwi (Tourneux) hoɬ toux 13.2) Mbara (Tourneux) ʼoɬ cough
14Proto-Gidar *wɨrɬa cough tousser 14.1) Gidar (Hungerford) ɨdiwərɬa tousser, toux
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hʷɨp nf. tree arbre (9 groups, 24 languages) A
The initial *hʷ has been retained in Proto-Mandara and Proto-Mofu. In Proto-Mafa, Proto-Sukur, Proto-Lamang, Proto-Higi and Proto-Kotoko South it has the reflex *w. In Proto-Bata, Proto-Margi and some of the Higi group languages, the *hʷ has been lost and the labialisation has transferred onto *p. These are common sporadic processes. The /n/ prefix in Podoko and Mandara and the /ma/ prefix in Zina are compensation for the lost *hʷ. Proto-Central Chadic *p was realised as [f] in word-final position, and this has led to the phonemicization of *f in the group proto-languages.
1Proto-Bata *fʷɨgɨ tree arbre 1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) ə̀nfʷá - ə tree 1.1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) uf 1.2) Jimi (Djibi) fʷən Nom général de l'arbre. 1.3) Sharwa (Gravina) fʷəgə Arbre 1.4) Tsuvan (Johnston) fʷege l'arbre
2Proto-Mafa *waf tree arbre 2.1) Mafa (Barreteau) wáf arbre
3Proto-Sukur *fwaj tree arbre 3.1) Sukur (David) fwoj tree 3.2) Sukur (Thomas) fwai tree; is the general term for tree.
4Proto-Margi *fʷɨ tree arbre 4.1) Bura (Blench) nfʷa Tree 4.2) Margi (Hoffman) wu tree 4.3) Kilba (Schuh) wa tree
5Proto-Mandara *hʷɨfa tree arbre 5.1) Matal (Branger) āhàf tree arbre 5.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) nafá,-ə 1 arbre 5.2.1) Podoko (Swackhammer) nafá,-ə 2 bois 5.2.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) nafá,-ə 3 médicament indigène 5.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) náfá arbre (m) 5.4) Glavda (Owens) u tree 5.4.1) Glavda (Nghagyiva) ùːfa tree 5.5) Dghwede (Frick) ʔufa tree
6Proto-Mofu *hʷaf tree arbre 6.1) Muyang (Smith) hɑf medicine remède 6.1.1) Muyang (Smith) hɑf tree arbre 6.2) Dugwor (Jubumna) hʷaf tree arbre
7Proto-Lamang *fwɨ tree arbre 7.1) Lamang (Wolff) ufu tree 7.2) Hdi (Bramlett) fu tree l'arbre
8Proto-Higi *wɨfɨ tree arbre 8.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) fʷə tree 8.1.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) fʷə tree 8.1.2) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) fʷə́ Plant 8.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) fʷo tree 8.3) Kirya (Blench) fʷə̀ tree in general 8.4) Psikye (Angelo) wufə́ tree 8.5) Bana (Lienhard) fə́ arbre
9Proto-Kotoko South *mafwɨ tree arbre 9.1) Zina (Odden) màfù tree arbre
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hʷɨpɨɗ v. bite mordre (5 groups, 15 languages) B cf: zɨm; syn: dzaj.
The basic sense of this verb is to bite or chew solid food items. Proto-Central Chadic *p was realised as [p] in word-medial position, and this is the form found in all the data. *p has the reflexes *b in Proto-Margi and /ᵐb/ in Mofu-Gudur, which are unestablished changes. The *hʷ is retained in the Mandara group, and has the reflexes /h/ in Proto-Mofu and /x/ in Lamang, which are common sporadic changes.
1Proto-Hurza pɨj eat manger 1.1) Mbuko (Gravina) pa eat manger 1.2) Vame (Kinnaird) píyā eat manger
2Proto-Margi *bɗɨ bite mordre 2.1) Bura (Blench) bda, bdi To chew; to eat (when chewing is necessary) 2.2) Margi (Hoffman) bɗə chew
3Proto-Mandara *hʷɨpaɗa bite mordre 3.1) Podoko (Swackhammer) upaɗá 1 mâcher, manger 3.2) Malgwa (Löhr) ukpaɗa chew with teeth 3.3) Glavda (Nghagyiva) xūpáɗᵊga chew
4Proto-Mofu *hɨpɨɗ bite mordre 4.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) paɗ eat meat or something hard croquer ; manger la viande ou qqch de dure 4.2) Muyang (Smith) həpəɗ eat (meat) manger ce qui est dur, mâcher 4.3) Moloko (Friesen) paɗ bite; chew croquer; mordre 4.4) Zulgo (Haller) papəɗ manger (viande et des choses croquantes) 4.5) Gemzek (Sabatai) mehəpəɗe chew mâcher 4.6) Merey (Gravina) həpəɗ chew manger, mâcher, croquer 4.7) Dugwor (Jubumna) məpəɗej ba bite (v) mordre 4.7.1) Dugwor (Jubumna) məpəɗej (golgovaŋ) strike (snake) mordre, piquer (serpent) 4.8) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) háᵐbəɗ croquer, mâcher ; faire mal (à la tête, aux articulations)
5Proto-Lamang *xpaɗa bite mordre 5.1) Lamang (Wolff) xpaɗa bite, chew
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hʷɨrɨp nf. grain semence (9 groups, 24 languages) A
The basic meaning of this root is probably millet grain. This root is consistent across Central Chadic, whereas there are several roots for the millet plant. It is likely that the Central Chadic peoples were pastoralists rather than agriculturalists, so the root meaning would refer to the grain as a food stuff obtained through trade rather than as seed for sowing. The initial *hʷ is retained in all groups, but has the unestablished reflex *gʷ in Proto-Kotoko North. The *r has become *l in all languages of the North sub-branch, as part of a regular change. The similar change in Cuvok is also regular. Dghwede and Mofu-Gudur - two very distant languages - both have a final /ɗ/, and several Mofu group languages and Cuvok show evidence of a final /j/, which is often a reflex of *ɗ under palatalisation. This may imply that the root was in fact *hʷɨrɨpɨɗ, though more data is needed to establish this. *p was realised as [f] in word-final position in Proto-Central Chadic, and this is retained in all groups.
1Proto-Bata *hʷɨrɨfɨ seed semence 1.1) Jimi (Djibi) hurəfən 1 - Race; 2 - Semence
2Proto-Mafa *hʷarfej seed semence 2.1) Cuvok (Gravina) hʷalfej seed graine, semence
3Proto-Margi *hʷɨlfɨ seed semence 3.1) Bura (Blench) hʷulfa Seed (for planting) 3.1.1) Bura (Blench) hulfu Seed for planting
4Proto-Mandara *hʷɨlfɨɗɨ seed semence 4.1) Matal (Branger) fafləw, faflu grain semence 4.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) hələpa,-ə semence; qualité 4.3) Malgwa (Löhr) hulfe seed 4.4) Glavda (Nghagyiva) xùlfa seed 4.4.1) Glavda (Owens) xʷə́l seed 4.5) Dghwede (Frick) xulfətʼe seed
5Proto-Mofu *hʷɨlfaɗ ʸ seed semence 5.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) hēlēfē grain ; seed graine ; semence 5.1.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) hēlēfē family famille 5.2) Mada (Nkoumou) hoelfe descendance, semence, espèce 5.3) Moloko (Friesen) həlfe seed semence 5.4) Zulgo (Haller) hʷilfé semence f. 5.5) Gemzek (Sabatai) hulfe seed graine, semence 5.6) Merey (Gravina) hulfe seed graine, semence 5.6.1) Merey (Gravina) hulfe semence 5.7) Dugwor (Jubumna) həlfe seed graine, semence 5.8) Mofu North (Barreteau) hə́lfáw semence 5.9) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) húlfaɗ semence ; (sens fig.) enfant
6Proto-Maroua *hʷɨlfa seed semence 6.1) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) hulfa seed graine, semence
7Proto-Lamang *hulfa seed semence 7.1) Lamang (Wolff) hulfa seed 7.2) Hdi (Bramlett) hulfa grain / seed la semence
8Proto-Higi *hʷɨlɨfɨ seed semence 8.1) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) hulofʷo seed 8.2) Psikye (Angelo) fə́lə́xʷə́ seed 8.3) Bana (Lienhard) xʷə́lfə́ semence
9Proto-Kotoko North *gʷɨlfan seed semence 9.1) Mpade (Allison) gulfan seed graine, semence
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hʷɨtif num. five cinq (4 groups, 14 languages) B syn: ɮɨɗɨm, ɬensi.
This is one of three widely attested roots for 'five'. It is found in the groups of the Nigerian Plains. Proto-Central Chadic had no *f, but *p was realised as [f] in word-final position. If this root comes from Proto-Central Chadic, then the final consonant would be *p. However it is more likely that this root originated later, at a time when the *p/*f distinction had been phonemicized, and for this reason the final consonant is given as *f. The initial *hʷ is retained only in the Lamang group. In Proto-Higi it has the reflex *w. In the Bata and Margi groups, the labialisation component has transferred to the *f, from where it has become vocalised. These are common sporadic changes. The *t has become *ts in Proto-Higi, which is an irregular change, and this has been palatalised by the following *i. There is metathesis of *w and *ts in the two Kamwe dialects, a sporadic process.
1Proto-Bata *tifʷ five cinq 1.1) Bata (Boyd) túf five 1.2) Gude (Hoskinson) tufə five 1.3) Jimi (Djibi) tefʷə Cinq 5 1.4) Sharwa (Gravina) təf, təfkə Cinq, cinquième
2Proto-Margi *tɨfʷ five cinq 2.1) Bura (Blench) ntufu Five 2.2) Margi South (Harley) təffu five 2.3) Kilba (Schuh) təfu/u five
3Proto-Lamang *hʷɨtaf five cinq 3.1) Lamang (Wolff) xʷtáfá five 3.2) Hdi (Bramlett) hutaf five cinq
4Proto-Higi *wɨtsʲɨfɨ five cinq 4.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) ntʃùfə́ Five 4.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) mtʃwafə five 4.3) Kirya (Blench) ntʃìfə̀ five 4.4) Psikye (Angelo) mtʃéfə́ five 4.4.1) Psikye (Angelo) mtʃèf five 4.5) Bana (Lienhard) tʃíf[(ə́) cinq
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hʷɨtsɨn ʸ nm. nose nez (15 groups, 52 languages) A
This is one of the most widely attested Central Chadic roots, and is absent from the data only in the Tera, Musgum and Gidar groups. The initial *hʷ is retained in several groups. In the Giziga languages the labialisation component has become the labialisation prosody, and in several other groups the labialisation component has been dropped. The *hʷ has been lost completely in a number of languages, and this has led to compensatory prefixation in Proto-Daba. These are all common sporadic processes. The *ts has the reflex *t in Proto-Mandara, Proto-Mofu and Proto-Maroua. However we would expect the reflex *t in Proto-Bata and Proto-Lamang, but not in the proto-languages where it is found in the data. *ts has the regular reflex *s in Proto-Kotoko Centre and Proto-Sukur. The final *n has become *r in the languages of the Margi-Mandara-Mofu major group as part of a regular change. The palatalisation prosody is present in all groups where it is expected, except for the Mafa group.
1Proto-Bata *tsɨnɨ ʸ nose nez 1.1) Bata (Boyd) ʃìne nose 1.2) Gude (Hoskinson) ʃìná -ə nose 1.3) Jimi (Djibi) ʃənən Nez 1.4) Sharwa (Gravina) tʃinə nez 1.5) Tsuvan (Johnston) mətʃine le nez
2Proto-Daba *mɨtsɨn ʸ nose nez 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) mtʃɑr nose nez 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) mtsər nose nez 2.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) ntʃur nose nez 2.4) Daba (Lienhard) mìtʃīʼn le nez
3Proto-Mafa *hɨtsan nose nez 3.1) Mafa (Barreteau) hə́tsán nez 3.2) Cuvok (Gravina) hətaŋ nose nez
4Proto-Sukur *sɨn ʸ nose nez 4.1) Sukur (David) ʃin nose 4.2) Sukur (Thomas) ʃin nose
5Proto-Hurza *hʷɨtsan ʸ nose nez 5.1) Mbuko (Gravina) tʃœn nose nez 5.2) Vame (Kinnaird) hə̄tʃéŋ nose nez
6Proto-Margi *hʷɨtsɨr ʸ nose nez 6.1) Margi (Hoffman) mtʃir nose 6.2) Margi South (Hoffman) tʃir nose 6.3) Kilba (Hoffman) tʃir nose 6.3.1) Kilba (Schuh) tʃir nose 6.4) Bura (Blench) kutʃir Nose
7Proto-Mandara *hɨtɨrɨ ʸ nose nez 7.1) Matal (Branger) tɪ᷆r nose nez 7.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) fətəra,-ə nez 7.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) ektare nez 7.4) Malgwa (Löhr) əktare nose 7.5) Glavda (Owens) xə́tə́ nose 7.5.1) Glavda (Nghagyiva) xᵊtɾa nose 7.6) Dghwede (Frick) xtire nose
8Proto-Mofu *hʷɨtɨr ʸ nose nez 8.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) hūⁿdār nose nez 8.2) Muyang (Smith) hiⁿdir nose nez 8.3) Mada (Nkoumou) hⁿdoer nez 8.4) Moloko (Friesen) həⁿder nez 8.5) Zulgo (Haller) hìtír nez m. 8.6) Gemzek (Sabatai) həter nose nez 8.7) Merey (Gravina) həter nose nez 8.8) Dugwor (Jubumna) məter nose nez 8.9) Mofu North (Barreteau) hàtàr nez 8.10) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) heter nose nez ; trompe (de l'éléphant)
9Proto-Maroua *hɨtɨn ʷ, kɨtɨŋ ʸ nose nez 9.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) hutuŋ nez 9.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) huton nose nez 9.3) Mbazla (Tourneux) kitiŋ nez 9.3.1) Mbazla (SILSurvey) kítīŋ nose nez
10Proto-Lamang *hɨtsiŋ nose nez 10.1) Lamang (Wolff) xtsínì nose 10.1.1) Lamang (Wolff) htsiŋ nose 10.2) Hdi (Bramlett) hətsiŋ nose le nez
11Proto-Higi *hɨtsʲɨn nose nez 11.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) ntʃhi nose 11.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) ntʃi nose 11.3) Kirya (Blench) nʃín nose 11.4) Bana (Lienhard) kʃə́n nez
12Proto-Kotoko Island *tsɨnaj nose nez 12.1) Buduma (McKone) tʃənaj nose nez
13Proto-Kotoko North *tsɨhɨn nose nez 13.1) Afade (Allison) tsɨn nose nez 13.2) Mpade (Allison) hásan nose nez 13.3) Maltam (Allison) sɨn nose nez 13.4) Malgbe (Allison) skɨn nose nez 13.4.1) Malgbe (Allison) skare nose nez
14Proto-Kotoko Centre *hɨsɨni nose nez 14.1) Lagwan (Allison) xsɨni nose nez 14.2) Mser (Allison) asɨn nose nez
15Proto-Kotoko South *hɨtsɨne nose nez 15.1) Zina (Odden) hískíní nose nez 15.2) Mazera (Allison) hɨtʃɨne nose nez
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kaligimo n. camel chameau (3 groups, 6 languages) A syn: ɮɨgʷamɨ ʸ, ᵑgʲaluba.
This root is a borrowing from the old Kanuri /kaligimo/, and is found in three of the Kotoko groups. There were no back vowels in these groups at an earlier point in their history, and this has led to the displacement of the back vowel next to velar consonants in Lagwan, Mser and Mazera. The back vowel was reanalysed as labialisation of the velar consonants, which then condition a following *ɨ to be realised as [u].
1Proto-Kotoko North *kɨlgimu camel chameau 1.1) Afade (Allison) gɨrgimu camel chameau 1.2) Mpade (Allison) gàldʒìmò camel chameau 1.3) Maltam (Allison) gɨrdʒimu camel chameau
2Proto-Kotoko Centre *kʷɨrgʷɨma camel chameau 2.1) Lagwan (Allison) kurguma camel chameau 2.2) Mser (Allison) gurguma camel chameau
3Proto-Kotoko South *kʷɨrgʷɨma camel chameau 3.1) Mazera (Allison) kurguma camel chameau
4Kanuri kalímo; kalímo ngʷáana / kàlìímò // kàlìgímò camel chameau
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kasi num. two deux (3 groups, 5 languages) B syn: ɓɨwak, tsɨjɨw, sɨwra₁.
This root is found in the Kotoko Island, North and Centre groups, but not Kotoko South. The change *s→x in Buduma is regular. The *k has reflexes *k, *g and *x, which are unestablished changes.
1Proto-Kotoko Island *kihi two deux 1.1) Buduma (McKone) kixi two (2) deux (2) 1.2) Buduma (McKone) kixi deux.
2Proto-Kotoko North *gasi two deux 2.1) Afade (Allison) gasi two (2) deux (2) 2.2) Mpade (Allison) gàsì two (2) deux (2)
3Proto-Kotoko Centre *xɨsa two deux 3.1) Lagwan (Allison) xsɨɗa two (2) deux (2) 3.2) Mser (Allison) kitʃo two (2) deux (2)
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katakam n. mouse mouse (3 groups, 4 languages) B syn: kʷɨhɨm, kʷɨsɨm.
This root is found in a few languages in the south-eastern part of the Central Chadic area. The labialisation prosody in Proto-Maroua is a common sporadic innovation in that language.
1Proto-Daba *katakam mouse souris 1.1) Daba (Lienhard) kàtàkàm la souris de la maison
2Proto-Maroua *katakam ʷ mouse souris 2.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) kotokom souris 2.1.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) kotokom plante 2.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) kotokom rat rat 2.2.1) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) kotokom mouse souris
3Proto-Gidar *katkam mouse souris 3.1) Gidar (Schuh) katkam rat 3.2) Gidar (Hungerford) katkam souris, rat
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kɨdɨm nm. crocodile crocodile (11 groups, 33 languages) C syn: rigɨ.
This well-attested root is surprisingly difficult to reconstruct. It is probably borrowed from Nilo-Saharan at an early stage of the history of Central Chadic, but does not come directly from the Kanuri 'karam'. The initial *k has the unestablished reflexes *g in Mbuko and some of the Mofu group languages, and *h in Proto-Musgum. *d is reconstructed as the second consonant. There was a change of word-medial *d→r in the North sub-branch, though the *d is not retained in Proto-Bata or Proto-Sukur. The presence of *d coincides with the presence of *g. The original root may have been *gɨdɨm, and developed into *kɨrɨm in the North sub-branch, and then the two competing roots spread between languages at a later stage. Alternatively, two different cognates may have been borrowed into Central Chadic from different directions. In Proto-Mandara, the final *m has become *w as part of a regular change.
1Proto-Bata *kɨrɨm crocodile crocodile 1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) kə́rə́má -ə crocodile 1.2) Jimi (Djibi) kərəmən Crocodile
2Proto-Mafa *kɨrdam, gɨdam crocodile crocodile 2.1) Mafa (Ndokobai) kərdam crocodile 2.2) Cuvok (Gravina) gədam crocodile crocodile
3Proto-Sukur *kɨlɨm crocodile crocodile 3.1) Sukur (David) kəlum crocodile 3.2) Sukur (Thomas) kələm crocodile; a large reptile with a long tail, hard skin, big jaws and lives in rivers.
4Proto-Hurza *gɨdam crocodile crocodile 4.1) Mbuko (Gravina) gədam crocodile crocodile
5Proto-Margi *hɨm, karam crocodile crocodile 5.1) Margi (Hoffman) həm crocodile 5.2) Margi South (Harley) həm crocodile 5.3) Kilba (Schuh) karam crocodile
6Proto-Mandara *kɨrwɨ ʸ crocodile crocodile 6.1) Matal (Branger) kʷədəw, kudu crocodile crocodile 6.2) Mandara (Fluckiger) kjérrúe caïman (m), crocodile, alligator 6.3) Malgwa (Löhr) kirwe crocodile 6.4) Glavda (Nghagyiva) kírwa crocodile 6.4.1) Glavda (Owens) kír crocodile
7Proto-Mofu *kɨrɨm, gɨdam crocodile crocodile 7.1) Muyang (Smith) kurᵐbu Nile crocodile crocodile 7.2) Mada (Nkoumou) akrám crocodile 7.3) Moloko (Friesen) kəraᵐba crocodile cayman crocodile 7.4) Zulgo (Haller) kə̀rəm crocodile m. 7.5) Gemzek (Sabatai) kəram crocodile crocodile 7.6) Merey (Gravina) gədam crocodile crocodile 7.7) Dugwor (Jubumna) gədam crocodile crocodile 7.8) Mofu North (Barreteau) gə̀dàm crocodile 7.9) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) gədem crocodile
8Proto-Maroua *hɨrɨm ʷ crocodile crocodile 8.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) hurum caiþman,crocodile 8.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) hurom crocodile crocodile 8.3) Mbazla (Tourneux) hurum crocodile
9Proto-Lamang *kɨram crocodile crocodile 9.1) Lamang (Wolff) kəram crocodile 9.2) Hdi (Bramlett) kəram crocodile le crocodile
10Proto-Higi *kɨlɨm crocodile crocodile 10.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) kə́lmí crocodile 10.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) kələməᵑg crocodile 10.3) Kirya (Blench) hə̀lə́mə́ crocodile 10.4) Bana (Lienhard) kə́lə́ᵐbə́ crocodile, claman
11Proto-Musgum *hɨrɨm ʷ crocodile crocodile 11.1) Vulum (Tourneux) horum crocodile 11.2) Mbara (Tourneux) hurum crocodile crocodile
12Kanuri kárám crocodile crocodile
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kɨja nm. moon lune (7 groups, 23 languages) A syn: tira.
The basic sense of this root is 'moon', but it has the extended sense 'month' i.e. a period of time, in almost all languages. This is one of two roots for 'moon', with *tira being used widely across Chadic languages. The *k is realised as *h in Proto-Margi, an unestablished change, and also in Zina where this is a regular change. In some Mofu group languages the *j has triggered the creation of the palatalisation prosody, which is a common sporadic process.
1Proto-Mafa *kɨja moon lune 1.1) Mafa (Barreteau) kija lune 1.2) Cuvok (Gravina) kija moon lune 1.2.1) Cuvok (Gravina) kija month mois
2Proto-Hurza *kɨja moon lune 2.1) Mbuko (Gravina) kija moon; month lune; mois 2.2) Vame (Kinnaird) kíjāhkē moon lune ; mois
3Proto-Margi *hja moon lune 3.1) Margi (Hoffman) hja moon, month 3.2) Margi South (Harley) hja moon 3.3) Kilba (Schuh) hja moon, month
4Proto-Mofu *kɨja moon lune 4.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) kʷìjò moon lune 4.1.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) kʷìjò month mois 4.2) Muyang (Smith) kiji moon ; month lune; mois 4.3) Mada (Nkoumou) màwɮàr já kja clarté de la lune 4.4) Moloko (Friesen) kəja moon lune 4.4.1) Moloko (Friesen) kəja month mois 4.5) Zulgo (Haller) kije lune f. 4.5.1) Zulgo (Haller) kije mois m. 4.6) Gemzek (Sabatai) kije month mois 4.6.1) Gemzek (Sabatai) kije moon lune 4.7) Merey (Gravina) kije month mois; lune 4.8) Dugwor (Jubumna) kija moon; month lune; mois 4.9) Mofu North (Barreteau) kija lune, mois 4.10) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) kijá lune 4.10.1) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) kijá mois (lunaire) 4.10.2) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) kijá saison
5Proto-Maroua *kɨja moon lune 5.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) kija lune, mois 5.1.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) kija début saison des pluies (IV-I) 5.1.2) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) kija 5.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) kija moon lune 5.2.1) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) kija month mois 5.3) Mbazla (SILSurvey) kíjáh moon lune 5.3.1) Mbazla (Tourneux) kija lune
6Proto-Kotoko Island *kɨja moon lune 6.1) Buduma (McKone) kija mois, nouvelle lune. 6.2) Buduma (McKone) kija; kija hə bohu month mois
7Proto-Kotoko South *kɨja moon lune 7.1) Zina (Odden) hìjà moon lune 7.1.1) Zina (Odden) hìjà month mois 7.2) Mazera (Allison) kija moon lune
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kɨr v., n. steal voler (16 groups, 49 languages) B
This is one of the best attested roots in Central Chadic. Some of the entries are for the verb 'to steal', and some are for the nouns 'theft' and 'thief'. It is not clear which form is the basic root. The *k has the reflexes *h, *hʷ, *ɣ and *ɣʷ, which are unestablished reflexes. No labialisation is reconstructed since the support comes only from an unusual reflex in Lagwan, and from the Giziga languages where sporadic labialisation is common. It is not clear whether the proto-form had *h or *k, but *k is preferred as *k→h is more common than the opposite change in Central Chadic. The *r has the regular reflex *l in the North sub-branch and Proto-Daba. The *r in Proto-Kotoko North is an exception. In a few languages *r has the reflex /ɗ/, which is an unestablished change. There is some evidence for reconstructing *i, but the mix of noun and verb forms makes it difficult to reconstruct the vowels with confidence. For this reason the root is given the confidence level B rather than A.
1Proto-Bata *hɨr steal voler 1.1) Bata (Boyd) hɨ́r steal 1.2) Gude (Hoskinson) harə steal. 1.3) Jimi (Djibi) hərən Voler, dérober ; 1.4) Sharwa (Gravina) har Voler, dérober 1.4.1) Sharwa (Gravina) maharə, maharəʼəkə Voleur,euse 1.5) Tsuvan (Johnston) ahəlle le voleur
2Proto-Daba *hɨl steal voler 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) ŋhel steal voler (dérober) 2.1.1) Buwal (Viljoen) ŋhel thief voleur 2.1.2) Buwal (Viljoen) ŋhel theft vol 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) ŋhəl steal voler (dérober) 2.2.1) Gavar (Viljoen) ŋhəl thief voleur 2.2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) ŋhəl theft 2.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) mihil theft vol 2.3.1) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) mihəl thief voleur 2.3.2) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) hil steal voler (dérober) 2.4) Daba (Lienhard) hə̄l faire ; lutter ; voler 2.5) MazagwayHidi (Noussi) həl vol
3Proto-Mafa *kɨr steal voler 3.1) Cuvok (Gravina) kəraw theft il faut voler 3.1.1) Cuvok (Gravina) kərej steal voler (dérober)
4Proto-Sukur *kɨr steal voler 4.1) Sukur (David) kər steal, to 4.2) Sukur (Thomas) kər steal; to take something from a person permission or without intending to return it or pay for it.
5Proto-Hurza *kɨra steal voler 5.1) Mbuko (Gravina) akar theft vol 5.1.1) Mbuko (Gravina) kəra to steal st voler 5.2) Vame (Kinnaird) ākár vol
6Proto-Margi *hila steal voler 6.1) Bura (Blench) hila Theft 6.1.1) Bura (Blench) hila To steal 6.2) Margi South (Harley) həl to steal 6.3) Kilba (Schuh) həla theft
7Proto-Mandara *ɣɨl steal voler 7.1) Matal (Branger) màd ɡə̀l steal voler 7.2) Mandara (Fluckiger) ílá voler 7.2.1) Mandara (Fluckiger) ílá vol (m) 7.3) Malgwa (Löhr) naŋəle thief 7.3.1) Malgwa (Löhr) ŋəla steal 7.4) Glavda (Nghagyiva) gla thief 7.4.1) Glavda (Owens) g thief 7.4.2) Glavda (Nghagyiva) ʁɨ́lᵊga steal 7.5) Dghwede (Frick) gəle thief
8Proto-Mofu *kɨl steal voler 8.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) àkàl vol 8.2) Mada (Nkoumou) akkal vol 8.3) Moloko (Friesen) akar robbery le vol 8.3.1) Moloko (Friesen) akar thief voleur 8.3.2) Moloko (Friesen) akar thief voleur 8.3.3) Moloko (Friesen) karaj steal voler; dérober 8.4) Zulgo (Haller) akə́l vol m. 8.5) Gemzek (Sabatai) akəl theft vol 8.5.1) Gemzek (Sabatai) mekəle steal voler (dérober) 8.6) Merey (Gravina) kəla steal voler (dérober) 8.6.1) Merey (Gravina) məkal theft vol, voleur 8.7) Dugwor (Jubumna) nəkal thief voleur 8.7.1) Dugwor (Jubumna) nəkal theft vol 8.7.2) Dugwor (Jubumna) mənəkəlej steal voler (dérober) 8.8) Mofu North (Barreteau) méhùlèj voler 8.8.1) Mofu North (Barreteau) méhùlèj dérober 8.8.2) Mofu North (Barreteau) máhàl voleur 8.9) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) lál voler, dérober, détourner 8.9.1) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) malaj voleur
9Proto-Maroua *hʷɨl steal voler 9.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) hul voler 9.1.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) hul mentir, faire son coup en douce, travailler par en dessous, fausseté, parler derrière pas franchement, calomnier 9.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) hul theft vol 9.3) Mbazla (Tourneux) laj voler (dérober) 9.3.1) Mbazla (SILSurvey) àlāíʼ steal voler (dérober)
10Proto-Lamang *ɣila steal voler 10.1) Lamang (Wolff) ɣila steal 10.1.1) Lamang (Wolff) ɣìlì theft 10.2) Hdi (Bramlett) ɣali thief le voleur
11Proto-Higi *ɣɨli steal voler 11.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) ɣəli to steal 11.1.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) ɣə̀lì steal 11.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) ɣirə thief 11.2.1) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) ɣire steal 11.3) Kirya (Blench) ɣə̀lə̀ steal 11.4) Bana (Lienhard) ɣ(ə̀)lí voler, piler
12Proto-Kotoko North *hir steal voler 12.1) Afade (Allison) hiʔi thief voleur 12.2) Mpade (Allison) háɗi thief voleur 12.3) Malgbe (Allison) hiru thief voleur
13Proto-Kotoko Centre *ɣʷɨj steal voler 13.1) Lagwan (Allison) musxui thief voleur 13.2) Mser (Allison) nɣej thief voleur
14Proto-Kotoko South *hɨla steal voler 14.1) Zina (Odden) àhə̀l thief voleur 14.2) Mazera (Allison) jale thief voleur
15Proto-Musgum *hɨl steal voler 15.1) Vulum (Tourneux) mihil vol
16Proto-Gidar *ɨhala steal voler 16.1) Gidar (Schuh) əhala voler (de voleur) 16.2) Gidar (Hungerford) ɨɨhala dérober, voler 16.3) Gidar (Hungerford) ɨ hala vol, derober
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kɨri nm. dog chien (13 groups, 35 languages) C
This root may have come into Central Chadic from Kanuri or from Nilo-Saharan. The root presents some unusual difficulties. *r has the reflex *d in some languages, and *l in others. If this root were a Proto-Central Chadic root, then we would expect *r→l in the North sub-branch, but this is the case only in a few groups, some of which have a separate, later *r→l change. A Proto-Central Chadic root with *d in medial position should give *r in the North sub-branch. There is a reasonable degree of consistency in this, but there are many exceptions. The best explanation for the forms is that the word entered Central Chadic at the time of the group proto-languages. The final vowel is reconstructed as *i, as in Kanuri, and this is reflected in Proto-Margi, Proto-Lamang and Proto-Higi. In the Higi group the *i has been reanalysed as palatalisation of *l.
1Proto-Mafa *kɨda dog chien 1.1) Mafa (Ndokobai) kəda dog chien 1.1.1) Mafa (Barreteau) kəda chien 1.2) Cuvok (Gravina) gəda dog chien
2Proto-Sukur *kɨra dog chien 2.1) Sukur (David) kəra dog 2.2) Sukur (Thomas) kəra dog
3Proto-Hurza *kɨla dog chien 3.1) Mbuko (Gravina) kəla dog chien 3.2) Vame (Kinnaird) kə̄lá dog chien
4Proto-Margi *kila dog chien 4.1) Bura (Blench) kila Dog
5Proto-Mandara *kɨda dog chien 5.1) Matal (Branger) kəda dog chien 5.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) kədá,-a chien 5.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) kéré chien (m) 5.4) Malgwa (Löhr) kəre dog 5.5) Dghwede (Frick) gde dog
6Proto-Mofu *kɨra dog chien 6.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) kə̀rà dog chien 6.2) Muyang (Smith) kərɑ dog chien 6.3) Moloko (Friesen) kəra dog chien 6.4) Zulgo (Haller) kəra chien m. 6.5) Gemzek (Sabatai) kəra dog chien 6.6) Dugwor (Jubumna) kəra dog chien 6.7) Proto-Mofu Subgroup *gɨdaj ʸ dog chien 6.8) Mofu North (Barreteau) gə̄dēj chien 6.9) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) gədéj chien
7Proto-Maroua *kɨrɨ ʸ dog chien 7.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) kiri (Mt) k(i) ri (ɗu) chien (kiri nañ (Mj) kri nañ (Mt) son chien 7.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) kre dog chien 7.3) Mbazla (Tourneux) kire chien 7.3.1) Mbazla (SILSurvey) krɛ́ʼ dog chien
8Proto-Lamang *kɨri dog chien 8.1) Lamang (Wolff) kə́ré dog 8.2) Hdi (Bramlett) kəri dog le chien
9Proto-Higi *kɨli dog chien 9.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) kəljə̊ dog 9.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) kəlje dog 9.3) Kirya (Blench) kə́ɽí dog 9.4) Bana (Lienhard) k(ə́)rí chien
10Proto-Kotoko Island *kɨli dog chien 10.1) Buduma (McKone) kəliə dog chien 10.2) Buduma (McKone) kəli chien.
11Proto-Kotoko North *kɨlew dog chien 11.1) Afade (Allison) gɨlew dog chien 11.2) Mpade (Allison) kɨ́lèw dog chien 11.3) Malgbe (Allison) gɨlew dog chien
12Proto-Kotoko Centre *kɨle dog chien 12.1) Lagwan (Allison) kle; kɨle dog chien 12.2) Mser (Allison) kle dog chien
13Proto-Gidar *kɨra dog chien 13.1) Gidar (Schuh) kəra chien 13.2) Gidar (Hungerford) kra chien
14Kanuri kə́ri dog chien
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kɨrɨp ʸ nf. fish poisson (15 groups, 46 languages) A
This is one of the best attested Central Chadic roots. The initial *k has the regular reflex *j in the Tera group, and the unestablished reflex /h/ in Vulum. There was a regular change *r→l in the North sub-branch, the Daba group and Cuvok in the Mafa group, though the /l/ in Mafa itself is irregular. *p was realised as [f] in word-final position in Proto-Central Chadic, and /f/ was then phonemicised, but in this word it has the reflex *p in Proto-Lamang and Proto-Higi. These are unestablished changes. The palatalisation prosody is retained in all groups where the palatalisation prosody exists.
1Proto-Bata *kɨrɨfɨ ʸ fish poisson 1.1) Bata (Boyd) qərfjée fish 1.2) Gude (Hoskinson) hə̀rə̀fìnə fish. 1.3) Jimi (Djibi) hərjəfən Poisson 1.4) Sharwa (Gravina) kurjəfi poisson 1.5) Tsuvan (Johnston) wulfin les poissons
2Proto-Daba *kɨlɨf ʸ fish poisson 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) ŋkəlef fish poisson 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) ŋkilif fish poisson 2.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) kəlːif fish poisson 2.4) Daba (Lienhard) kìlíf le poisson 2.5) MazagwayHidi (Noussi) kilif poisson
3Proto-Mafa *kɨlaf ʸ fish poisson 3.1) Mafa (Barreteau) kíléf nom gén. pour les gros poissons 3.2) Cuvok (Gravina) kəlef fish poisson
4Proto-Tera *jɨrvɨ ʷ fish poisson 4.1) Tera (Newman) jurvu fish 4.2) Nyimatli (Harley) jurvu fish
5Proto-Sukur *kɨrɨf ʸ fish poisson 5.1) Sukur (David) kirif fish 5.2) Sukur (Thomas) kirif fish; is the general term for fishes.
6Proto-Hurza *kɨlaf ʸ fish poisson 6.1) Mbuko (Gravina) kəlef fish poisson
7Proto-Margi *kɨlfi ʸ fish poisson 7.1) Bura (Blench) kilfa General name for fish 7.2) Margi (Hoffman) kjifi fish 7.3) Margi South (Harley) kalfi fish 7.4) Kilba (Schuh) kalfi fish
8Proto-Mandara *kɨlɨfɨ ʸ fish poisson 8.1) Matal (Branger) kilfi, kilfəj fish poisson 8.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) kɨləfe,-ə poisson 8.3) Mandara (Fluckiger) kelfe poisson (m) 8.4) Malgwa (Löhr) kəlfe fish gen. 8.5) Glavda (Owens) kil fish 8.5.1) Glavda (Nghagyiva) kìilfa fish 8.6) Dghwede (Frick) klfe fish
9Proto-Mofu *kɨlɨf ʸ fish poisson 9.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) kə̄līf poisson 9.2) Moloko (Friesen) kəlef fish poisson en général 9.3) Zulgo (Haller) kílíf poisson m. 9.4) Gemzek (Sabatai) kəlef fish poisson 9.5) Merey (Gravina) kəlef fish poisson 9.6) Dugwor (Jubumna) kəlef fish poisson 9.7) Mofu North (Barreteau) kə́léf poisson (nom g;-en.)
10Proto-Maroua *kɨlɨf ʸ fish poisson 10.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) kilif poisson ( ne général) 10.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) kilef fish poisson 10.3) Mbazla (Tourneux) kilif poisson 10.3.1) Mbazla (SILSurvey) kiliv fish poisson
11Proto-Lamang *kɨlɨpi fish poisson 11.1) Lamang (Wolff) kəlpi fish 11.2) Hdi (Bramlett) kəlipi fish le poisson
12Proto-Higi *kɨlipɨ fish poisson 12.1) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) kələpə fish 12.2) Kirya (Blench) kə̀rèpə́ fish (general) 12.2.1) Kirya (Blench) kə̀ɽìpə́ fish 12.3) Psikye (Angelo) kələpə́ fish 12.4) Bana (Lienhard) k(ə)lìpə̀ poisson 12.4.1) Bana (Lienhard) kə̀rpì poissons (pl)
13Proto-Kotoko South *kɨlfɨ fish poisson 13.1) Zina (Odden) hə̀lfə̀ fish poisson 13.2) Mazera (Allison) kɨlfa fish poisson
14Proto-Musgum *hɨlɨf ʸ fish poisson 14.1) Vulum (Tourneux) hilif poisson (générique)
15Proto-Gidar *kɨlfɨ ʸ fish poisson 15.1) Gidar (Hungerford) kilfi poisson
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kɨrɨw num. ten dix (5 groups, 18 languages) C syn: hɨkan, kʷɨm.
This is one of three widely-attested roots for 'ten'. It is found in the area around the Mandara Mountains. The *r is expected to be realised as *l in the North sub-branch, but this is only the case for the Mandara group, and not for the Maroua and Mofu groups. In the Mafa group, /l/ is found in Mafa where /r/ is expected and /r/ is found in Cuvok where /l/ is expected. This indicates that the root may not be very old, and that it spread by borrowing rather than being inherited. The *w is variously interpreted as labialisation of *k or as the labialisation prosody.
1Proto-Mafa *kʷɨraw ten dix 1.1) Mafa (Barreteau) kula dix 1.2) Cuvok (Gravina) kuraw ten (10) dix (10)
2Proto-Hurza *kɨra ʷ ten dix 2.1) Mbuko (Gravina) kuro ten dix
3Proto-Mandara *kɨlawa ten dix 3.1) Matal (Branger) kᵘ̄l(u) ten dix 3.2) Mandara (Fluckiger) kelawa dix 3.3) Glavda (Owens) kəl ten 3.3.1) Glavda (Nghagyiva) klàːwa ten (10)
4Proto-Mofu *kɨraw ten dix 4.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) kūlū ten dix 4.2) Muyang (Smith) kru ten dix 4.3) Moloko (Friesen) kəro ten dix 4.4) Zulgo (Haller) kúrwá dix 4.5) Gemzek (Sabatai) kuro ten (10) dix (10) 4.6) Merey (Gravina) kuro ten (10) dix (10) 4.7) Dugwor (Jubumna) kurow ten (10) dix (10) 4.8) Mofu North (Barreteau) kúráw dix 4.8.1) Mofu North (Barreteau) kúráw dix 4.9) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) kúráw dix
5Proto-Maroua *kɨrɨ ʷ ten dix 5.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) kuruʼu dix 5.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) kuru ten (10) dix (10) 5.3) Mbazla (Tourneux) kuru dix 5.3.1) Mbazla (SILSurvey) ̄kúrúʼ ten dix
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kɨwah num. six six (9 groups, 29 languages) A syn: vɨnahkɨr, markɨɗ ʸ, ɬira.
This is one of four well-attested roots for 'six'. It has the widest distribution, and is the most likely candidate for the Proto-Cental Chadic root. The *w has been reinterpreted as labialisation of *k in several groups. The final *h has been lost in most groups. These are common sporadic processes. In common with some other numerals, a nasal has been prefixed to the root in most cases.
1Proto-Bata *kɨwa six six 1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) kùwá six six 1.2) Jimi (Djibi) ənko Six
2Proto-Daba *kʷah six six 2.1) Buwal (Viljoen) ŋkʷɑh six (6) six (6) 2.2) Gavar (Viljoen) ŋkʷɑh six (6) six (6) 2.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) ŋ̩kuh six (6) six (6) 2.4) Daba (Lienhard) kōh six
3Proto-Mafa *makʷa six six 3.1) Mafa (Barreteau) mokʷa six 3.2) Cuvok (Gravina) makʷa six (6) six (6)
4Proto-Sukur *mɨkʷa six six 4.1) Sukur (David) mukʷa six 4.2) Sukur (Thomas) məkʷa six
5Proto-Margi *kʷa six six 5.1) Bura (Blench) nkʷa Six six 5.2) Margi South (Harley) kʷa six
6Proto-Mandara *mɨkɨwah six six 6.1) Matal (Branger) mᵘ̄kʷá six six 6.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) məkuwá,-ə six 6.3) Malgwa (Löhr) unkʷe six 6.4) Glavda (Nghagyiva) ùŋkʷàxa six (6)
7Proto-Mofu *mɨkʷaw six six 7.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) mūkú six six 7.2) Muyang (Smith) muku six six 7.3) Moloko (Friesen) məko six six 7.4) Merey (Gravina) məkʷa six (6) six (6) 7.5) Dugwor (Jubumna) mukow six (6) six (6) 7.6) Mofu North (Barreteau) múkʷa six 7.7) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) maakʷáw six ; chiffre signalant un nombre impair dans la divination par les cailloux 7.7.1) MofuGudur (Hollingsworth) maakʷáw six ; chiffre signalant un nombre impair dans la divination par les cailloux
8Proto-Lamang *mkɨwa six six 8.1) Lamang (Wolff) mkʷá six 8.1.1) Lamang (Wolff) m̀kúwá six 8.2) Hdi (Bramlett) məʼku six six
9Proto-Higi *kʷaŋ six six 9.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) nkʷáᵑgə́ Six 9.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) nkʷaᵑgo six 9.3) Kirya (Blench) kʷáᵑg six 9.4) Psikye (Angelo) ŋkʷáŋə́ six 9.5) Bana (Lienhard) kʷáŋ six (6)
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koro n. donkey âne (9 groups, 20 languages) B syn: ziᵑgʷa, ᵐburi.
This is a widespread African root that may have come into Central Chadic from Kanuri. Many Central Chadic languages do not have back vowels, and the *o has been reinterpreted as labialisation of *k, the labialisation prosody or as the sequence /aw/. The *r has not changed in any languages, which indicates a very short time depth for the introduction of this root into Central Chadic.
1Proto-Bata *kʷara donkey âne 1.1) Bata (Boyd) kʷáárééto donkey 1.2) Gude (Hoskinson) kʷárá donkey 1.3) Jimi (Djibi) kʷara Ane 1.4) Sharwa (Gravina) kʷara Ane
2Proto-Tera *koro donkey âne 2.1) Tera (Newman) koro donkey 2.2) Nyimatli (Harley) kooro donkey
3Proto-Margi *kʷara donkey âne 3.1) Bura (Blench) kʷara Ass 3.1.1) Bura (Blench) kʷara Donkey 3.2) Margi South (Harley) kʷara donkey 3.3) Kilba (Schuh) kʷara/a donkey
4Proto-Maroua *kawra donkey âne 4.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) kawra; awra âne à museau blanc
5Proto-Higi *kʷara donkey âne 5.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) kʷara donkey 5.2) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) kʷara donkey 5.3) Kirya (Blench) kʷàrà donkey 5.4) Psikye (Angelo) kʷará donkey
6Proto-Kotoko Island *kuro donkey âne 6.1) Buduma (McKone) kuro âne.
7Proto-Kotoko North *koro donkey âne 7.1) Mpade (Allison) kóró donkey âne 7.2) Malgbe (Allison) gro donkey âne
8Proto-Musgum *kʷɨra ʸ donkey âne 8.1) Vulum (Tourneux) kʉre âne 8.2) Mbara (Tourneux) kuro donkey âne 8.3) Muskum (Tourneux) kʉret âne
9Proto-Gidar *kara ʷ donkey âne 9.1) Gidar (Schuh) koro âne
10Kanuri kóro / kóró donkey âne
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kʷaɗah v. boil bouillir (9 groups, 20 languages) A
The basic sense of this word is to cook by boiling. In most cases it is a transitive verb with a person being the agent and the liquid being the patient. *kʷ is retained in all groups, though the labialisation has been lost in a few languages (a sporadic process). The *ɗ→r in Tera is an unestablished process. *h is widely retained, which is unusual, and has the irregular reflex /s/ in Bachama. Two groups have palatalisation in the forms given, but this may be a property of the citation form that is used rather than of the root itself.
1Proto-Bata *kʷaɗasa ʸ boil bouillir 1.1) Bachama (Skinner) kʷaɗjasa bubble
2Proto-Daba *kʷɨɗah ʸ boil bouillir 2.1) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) kjdeh boil (food) bouillir (la nourriture) 2.2) Daba (Lienhard) kùɗa̍j bouillir un liquide
3Proto-Mafa *kʷɨɗaha boil bouillir 3.1) Cuvok (Gravina) kuɗaha boil bouillir (la nourriture)
4Proto-Tera *kʷɨɗah boil bouillir 4.1) Tera (Newman) kuraxi boil 4.1.1) Nyimatli (Harley) kuɮakh boil (water), bubble up
5Proto-Hurza *kʷaɗah boil bouillir 5.1) Mbuko (Gravina) kʷaɗah to boil, dilute bouillir, diluer 5.1.1) Vame (Kinnaird) kʷāɗáhā boil ; simmer bouillir
6Proto-Margi *kʷɨdu boil bouillir 6.1) Bura (Blench) kudu Boil
7Proto-Mandara *kʷaɗah boil bouillir 7.1) Podoko (Swackhammer) kʷaɗáha bouillir, cuire dans de l'eau bouillante 7.2) Malgwa (Löhr) kʷaɗa boil
8Proto-Mofu *kʷaɗah boil bouillir 8.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) kʷàɗèhèŋ bouillir 8.1.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) kʷàɗèhèŋ cuire longtemps 8.2) Muyang (Smith) koɗɑhɑj boil (trs) cuire; faire bouillir 8.3) Mada (Nkoumou) mákʷàɗàh cuire (faire-, mijoter longtemps) 8.4) Zulgo (Haller) kʷàɗàh bouillir, bouilloner 8.5) Gemzek (Sabatai) mekʷeɗehe bouillir 8.6) Dugwor (Jubumna) məkʷoɗehej ( jam ) bubble up, boil (water) bouillonner (l'eau) 8.7) Mofu North (Barreteau) mékʷèɗèhèj bouillir
9Proto-Lamang *kʷaɗah boil bouillir 9.1) Lamang (Wolff) kʷaɗah boil, heat, cook 9.2) Hdi (Bramlett) kəɗahaj to boil bouillir
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kʷar v. refuse refuser (8 groups, 12 languages) B
This root is found in a good selection of groups, but only in one or two languages in each group with the data available. The initial *kʷ has lost the labialisation component in many cases as a sporadic process. *r has the regular reflex *l in the languages of the North sub-branch and in Proto-Daba as expected.
1Proto-Bata *kar refuse refuser 1.1) Gude (Hoskinson) kaaree refuse, reject 1.2) Jimi (Djibi) karanən Refuser ;
2Proto-Daba *kal refuse refuser 2.1) Gavar (Viljoen) ŋkɑl refuse refuser
3Proto-Sukur *kar refuse refuser 3.1) Sukur (David) kar refuse, to 3.2) Sukur (Thomas) kar refuse: to say that you will not do something that somebody has asked you to do.
4Proto-Hurza *kɨra refuse refuser 4.1) Vame (Kinnaird) kə́rà miss refuser d'aller
5Proto-Mandara *kʷala refuse refuser 5.1) Podoko (Swackhammer) kʷalá 1 refuser 5.1.1) Podoko (Swackhammer) kʷalá 2 rejeter 5.2) Mandara (Fluckiger) kʷala refuser
6Proto-Mofu *kʷal refuse refuser 6.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) kʷàl refuser 6.1.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) kʷàl ne devrait-il pas? 6.2) Muyang (Smith) kelej cut with axe couper; refuser 6.3) Merey (Gravina) kərah refuse refuser
7Proto-Lamang *kʷala refuse refuser 7.1) Hdi (Bramlett) kʷalaɣuta to refuse refuser
8Proto-Higi *kɨli refuse refuser 8.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) kəljə refuse 8.1.1) Kamwe-Nkafa (Harley) kə́rjə̀ refuse
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kʷaraj n. rainbow, drought arc-en-ciel, sécheresse (5 groups, 17 languages) A
In most languages, this root has two senses: a rainbow; and a period of dry weather during rainy season. It is not obvious how the two senses are related, though the Giziga Moutourwa definition offers an interesting explanation. The root is found in the languages of the Mandara Mountains. There was a regular change *r→l in the North sub-branch, Proto-Daba and Cuvok, leaving Mafa as the only language represented here to retain *r.
1Proto-Daba *kʷalaj rainbow arc-en-ciel 1.1) Buwal (Viljoen) kʷɑlɑj drought, famine sécheresse, famine, disette 1.1.1) Buwal (Viljoen) kʷɑlɑj rainbow arc-en-ciel 1.2) Gavar (Viljoen) ŋkʷɑlɑj drought, famine sécheresse, famine, disette 1.3) Mbudum (Ndokobaï) kolaj rainbow arc-en-ciel
2Proto-Mafa *kʷaraj rainbow arc-en-ciel 2.1) Mafa (Barreteau) kʷáráj arc-en-ciel 2.2) Cuvok (Gravina) kʷalaj drought, famine sécheresse, famine, disette
3Proto-Hurza *kʷɨlaj rainbow arc-en-ciel 3.1) Mbuko (Gravina) kulaj rainbow, dry period during rainy season arc en ciel, sécheresse entre les pluies
4Proto-Mofu *kʷɨlaj, makɨlah rainbow arc-en-ciel 4.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) mākʷālāj drought sécheresse ; périodes sèches de la saison des pluies 4.2) Muyang (Smith) mɑkʷɑl drought ; rainbow période de sécheresse après les premières sémailles: arc-en-ciel qui annonce soit une pluie immédiate, soit la sécheresse 4.3) Moloko (Friesen) kolaj rainbow arc en ciel 4.4) Zulgo (Haller) màkə̀làh arc-en-ciel m. 4.5) Gemzek (Sabatai) kula rainbow arc-en-ciel 4.5.1) Gemzek (Sabatai) kula drought, famine sécheresse, famine, disette 4.5.2) Gemzek (Sabatai) makəlah rainbow arc-en-ciel 4.6) Merey (Gravina) makəlah sécheresse 4.7) Dugwor (Jubumna) kulaj rainbow arc-en-ciel 4.8) Mofu North (Barreteau) kʷálàj arc-en-ciel, arrêt entre deux pluies 4.9) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) kʷalaj arc-en-ciel 4.9.1) Mofu-Gudur (Hollingsworth) kʷalaj sécheresse en saison des pluies
5Proto-Maroua *kʷalaj rainbow arc-en-ciel 5.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) kʷalaj (Mv kolaj) arc en ciel, le kwalay : arrête la pluie en pleine saison, même pendant 20 jours c'est le soleil qui se reflète sur de vieilles houes abandonnées en brousse, ce qui provoque l'arc-ce-ciel. il y a un grand serpent en haut ; s'il se roule sur lui-même il ne pleut pas ; s'il se déroule, il pleut (kaw madiëa) 5.1.1) Giziga Moutourwa (Michielan) kʷalaj (Mv kolaj) empècher de pleuvoir 5.2) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) kolaj rainbow arc-en-ciel 5.2.1) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) kolaj drought, famine sécheresse, famine, disette
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kʷasɨkʷa nm. market (n) marché (12 groups, 24 languages) B
This root derives ultimately from the Arabic 'suq', through Shoa Arabic 'sug' and Kanuri 'kasugu'. The back vowels are reinterpreted as labialisation of *k or *g. The Fulfulde word 'luumo' is replacing this root in many areas. There are no real indicators in the data of the age of this borrowing.
1Proto-Tera *kasu market marché 1.1) Hwana (Harley) kàsú market
2Proto-Sukur *sɨkʷɨ market marché 2.1) Sukur (David) suku market 2.2) Sukur (Thomas) səku market:- is a place where people gather to sell and buy things.
3Proto-Hurza *kasɨkʷa market marché 3.1) Mbuko (Gravina) kʷasuko market marché 3.2) Vame (Kinnaird) kāsúkā market marché
4Proto-Margi *sɨkʷɨ market marché 4.1) Kilba (Schuh) səku market
5Proto-Mandara *kʷasɨkʷa market marché 5.1) Matal (Branger) kʷasəkʷa // kosuka market marché 5.2) Podoko (Swackhammer) kʷasákʷa,-a marché 5.3) Malgwa (Löhr) kʷaskʷe market 5.4) Glavda (Owens) kású market, week 5.4.1) Glavda (Owens) kásúk market, business, week 5.4.2) Glavda (Nghagyiva) kàsúkʷa market (n)
6Proto-Mofu *kʷasɨkʷa market marché 6.1) Ouldeme (Kinnaird) kʷāskʷā market marché 6.2) Muyang (Smith) ɡosku marché, semaine 6.3) Mada (Nkoumou) goskó (kosko) marché 6.4) Moloko (Friesen) kosoko market marché 6.5) Zulgo (Haller) kʷáskʷà semaine f. 6.5.1) Zulgo (Haller) kʷáskʷà marché m.
7Proto-Maroua *kaska ʷ market marché 7.1) Giziga Marva (Hamidou) kosko market (n) marché
8Proto-Higi *sʲɨkʷɨ market marché 8.1) Kamwe-Futu (Harley) ʃikʷi market 8.2) Psikye (Angelo) ʃkʷu market 8.2.1) Psikye (Angelo) ʃekʷu market
9Proto-Kotoko Island *kahagʷɨ market marché 9.1) Buduma (McKone) kaxaguə market (n) marché
10Proto-Kotoko North *kasɨgʷɨ market marché 10.1) Afade (Allison) gasɨbi market (n) marché 10.2) Mpade (Allison) kàsúgù market (n) marché 10.3) Malgbe (Allison) gegbɨ market (n) marché
11Proto-Kotoko Centre *kaskʷɨ market marché 11.1) Lagwan (Allison) kasku market (n) marché 11.2) Mser (Allison) kasku market (n) marché
12Proto-Musgum *kaskʷa market marché 12.1) Mbara (Tourneux) kasko market marché
13Kanuri kasúwu //// kāsugū market (n) marché
14Shoa Arabic sûg; sawaga market (n) marché
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